Mamta Kalia
Mamta Kalia Mamta Kalia
the Majlis declared in March 1987 that “Our entertainers, male or female, did not enjoy the same esteem that they enjoy today from lay and religious people…this is a real revolution”, 14 he was perhaps referring to the slackening of the state’s stranglehold on cinema, even though censorship regulations had remained the same. He also went on record saying that “It is true that a film must have a message, but this does not mean that we must deny its entertaining aspects.” 15 Rafsanjani’s successor Khatami moved a step further by stating that “I believe that cinema is not the mosque…If we remove cinema from its natural place we will no longer have cinema.” 16 This brings us to the last segment of our essay. Can the slower pace of editing, long shots, location shooting, non-continuity editing can be seen as a realist but at the same time nonmodernist strategy of figuration? The question assumes critical importance in the light of the new Iranian cinema’s attempt to relocate women to new sites within the diegesis. The widespread tendency in Iranian art films is to shoot mainly or exclusively in the exterior. Undeniably, limited budgets, small crews, outdoor locations and local characters add to the realism of the film. But there are also three other ways in which postrevolutionary Iranian cinema differs from other cinemas of realism – (1) The way the look is organized within the diegetic space (2) The near absence of close- 134 :: April-June 2010 up shots and (3) the limited use of the shot-reverse shot and the absence of the spectacle. Besides veiling also influences mis-en-scene and filming style. Objects and boundary marking features such as fences, walls and columns, constantly obstruct vision. Long tracking shots with these obstacles in the foreground highlight them as a visual barrier and as metaphors for modesty and veiling. The American feminist film theorist Mary Ann Doane has suggested that veiling generates a fetishist desire for the onscreen woman. She argues that a supplementary surface over the face “functions to hide an absence.” 17 But Islamic ideologues argued just the opposite. It came to be widely held that by veiling, female bodies became healed and emblematic of chastity. This is why the new Iranian cinema encouraged greater visibility of women provided they appeared veiled and purified on the screen. Actually, veiling can be a doubleedged sword. Naficy reminds us that: For every stratagem of veiling . . . there is one that violates it or plays with it, turning the veil not only into a powerful semiotic and political icon, but also into a dynamic instrument of power, sexuality and transgression. . . . Walls and veils may segregate people but . . . they tend to provoke curiosity and to offer visual pleasure by exhibitionism and voyeurism. . . . By playing with the veil, [women] create the necessary distance that promotes scopophilia (pleasurable looking). At the same time, these strategies turn them, as the subjects of scopophilia, into erotic objects, thus, ironically,
subverting the rules of modesty and the religious ‘commandments of looking’, which are designed to prevent women from becoming sexual objects. 18 In contrast, the gharbzadeh (westoxicated) woman came to be viewed as the embodiment of all social ills. Publicly visible, wearing an overcoat (ruposh) and the headscarf (ru-sari), and a super consumer of imperialism, capitalism and foreign goods, a propagator of the corrupt culture of the west, the gharabzadeh was believed to have undermined the moral fabric of Iranian society. 19 Redemption was only possible if women could be reclothed. Modes of veiling could be borrowed from other cultures. As Lindsey Moore has suggested, “In Iran, as in more conventionally “postcolonial” sites of knowledge production, the relationship between vision and embodied, gendered objects is both culturally specific and informed by cross-cultural encounters as well”. 20 The Iranian chador which was revived in 1979 is similar to other forms of veiling such as the haik in Algeria. However, from 1982 onwards, the chador was displaced by the ubiquitous hijab, indicating some kind a Pan-Islamic engagement between Shiite Islam and its non-Shiite followers in the Arab world. In the late 1980s and the early 90s, a younger generation of filmmakers was already contesting the gendering of Iranian cinema by bringing it in line with the feqh regulations. This resulted in a foregrounding of female protagonists in films such as Bani Etemadi’s Banue-Ordibehesht and Mohsin Makhmalbaf’s Naubat-i-Ashighi. Few years later women filmmakers began to question the way in which Iranian women were being represented in the films. From three women directors in the pre-revolutionary Iran, the numbers have now swelled to eight, including internationally acclaimed directors such as Samira Makhmalbaf and Tahmineh Milani. This inspired Mehrjui and Mokhtari to reappraise the roles women played in Iranian films. The result was the production of strong women-oriented films such as Sara (Mehrjui, 1992) and Zinat (1994). Contemporary Iranian cinema has emerged as the site where Iranian culture and identity (iraniyat) can be constantly negotiated and women seen as its filmic bearers. New Iranian cinema has been acclaimed by international audiences for its realism, reflexivity and narrative strategies that are different from those of mainstream Hollywood cinema. Critics and scholars have also noticed the nuanced portrayal of characters, particularly the roles of women in everyday life. For example, Moore has suggested that “One of the remarkable features of recent Iranian films is its allegorical use of gendered tropes, in particular the (in)visibility and (im)mobility of women in social space. 21 Similarly, rejecting the charge that censorship (veiling) has inhibited creativity, Hamid Naficy argues for a April-June 2010 :: 135
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subverting the rules of modesty and the<br />
religious ‘commandments of looking’, which<br />
are designed to prevent women from<br />
becoming sexual objects. 18<br />
In contrast, the gharbzadeh<br />
(westoxicated) woman came to be viewed<br />
as the embodiment of all social ills.<br />
Publicly visible, wearing an overcoat (ruposh)<br />
and the headscarf (ru-sari), and<br />
a super consumer of imperialism,<br />
capitalism and foreign goods, a<br />
propagator of the corrupt culture of the<br />
west, the gharabzadeh was believed to<br />
have undermined the moral fabric of<br />
Iranian society. 19 Redemption was only<br />
possible if women could be reclothed.<br />
Modes of veiling could be borrowed from<br />
other cultures. As Lindsey Moore has<br />
suggested, “In Iran, as in more<br />
conventionally “postcolonial” sites of<br />
knowledge production, the relationship<br />
between vision and embodied, gendered<br />
objects is both culturally specific and<br />
informed by cross-cultural encounters<br />
as well”. 20 The Iranian chador which<br />
was revived in 1979 is similar to other<br />
forms of veiling such as the haik in<br />
Algeria. However, from 1982 onwards,<br />
the chador was displaced by the<br />
ubiquitous hijab, indicating some kind<br />
a Pan-Islamic engagement between Shiite<br />
Islam and its non-Shiite followers in the<br />
Arab world.<br />
In the late 1980s and the early 90s,<br />
a younger generation of filmmakers was<br />
already contesting the gendering of<br />
Iranian cinema by bringing it in line<br />
with the feqh regulations. This resulted<br />
in a foregrounding of female protagonists<br />
in films such as Bani Etemadi’s Banue-Ordibehesht<br />
and Mohsin Makhmalbaf’s<br />
Naubat-i-Ashighi. Few years later women<br />
filmmakers began to question the way<br />
in which Iranian women were being<br />
represented in the films. From three<br />
women directors in the pre-revolutionary<br />
Iran, the numbers have now swelled to<br />
eight, including internationally acclaimed<br />
directors such as Samira Makhmalbaf<br />
and Tahmineh Milani. This inspired<br />
Mehrjui and Mokhtari to reappraise the<br />
roles women played in Iranian films.<br />
The result was the production of strong<br />
women-oriented films such as Sara<br />
(Mehrjui, 1992) and Zinat (1994).<br />
Contemporary Iranian cinema has<br />
emerged as the site where Iranian culture<br />
and identity (iraniyat) can be constantly<br />
negotiated and women seen as its filmic<br />
bearers. New Iranian cinema has been<br />
acclaimed by international audiences for<br />
its realism, reflexivity and narrative<br />
strategies that are different from those<br />
of mainstream Hollywood cinema. Critics<br />
and scholars have also noticed the<br />
nuanced portrayal of characters,<br />
particularly the roles of women in<br />
everyday life. For example, Moore has<br />
suggested that “One of the remarkable<br />
features of recent Iranian films is its<br />
allegorical use of gendered tropes, in<br />
particular the (in)visibility and<br />
(im)mobility of women in social<br />
space. 21 Similarly, rejecting the charge that<br />
censorship (veiling) has inhibited<br />
creativity, Hamid Naficy argues for a<br />
April-June 2010 :: 135