Mamta Kalia
Mamta Kalia Mamta Kalia
(MICG) was assigned the task of enforcement. Henceforth, no films or videos could be screened without a permit. The government also imposed a ban on all films and videos which: Weaken the principle of monotheism and other Islamic principles; insult directly or indirectly, the Prophets, Imams, the guardianship of Supreme Jurisprudent… blaspheme against the values and personalities held sacred by Islam and other religions mentioned in the Constitution; encourage wickedness, corruption and prostitution; encourage or teach dangerous addictions and earning a living from unsavoury means such as smuggling; negate the equality of people regardless of colour, race, language, ethnicity and belief; encourage foreign cultural, economic and political influence contrary to the ‘neither West nor East’ policy of the government…show details of scenes of violence and torture, misrepresent geographical and historical facts… 11 The most important of these dealt with the way Iranian women were to be projected on the screen. For example, it would be mandatory for women to wear the hijab in all conditions; there could be no physical contact between men and women (not even between mother and son); all women were to be filmed in long shot, plots that had central women characters were to be avoided. 12 But there was also a flip side to the regime of restrictions and controls. Khatami who took over as the Minister of Culture and Islamic guidance, was among the few to realize that bringing art under complete purview of the 132 :: April-June 2010 government would be inimical to the long term interests of the Islamic state. He therefore created the Farabi Cinema Foundation (FCF), with Mohammed Beheshti at its helm in 1983, to provide general direction to the film industry and regulate the import and export of films. Later, the FCF also began coproduction of films. Another organization created during the period of the revolution was the Foundation of the Oppressed (Bonyad-e Mostaza’fan) created by Khomeini in 1979. Producing seven films a year in the 1980s, the Foundation of the Oppressed became associated with some of the top directors of the Iranian film industry such as Daryush Farhang, Rakshan Bani-Etemad and Mohsen Makhmalbaf. Makhmalbaf’s Cyclist (1989) and The Wedding of the Blessed (1989), were produced by the Foundation. Another institution was the Arts Centre (Howzeh-ye Honari) of the Islamic Propaganda Organization that produced war and propaganda films. Makhmalbaf’s early films including Justification (1981), Nasuh’s Repentance (1982), Two Sightless Eyes (1983) and Boycott (1985), were all produced by the Centre. With the increasing popularity of Iranian films among European and North American audiences, several films have been co-produced by companies owned by foreigners or by the Iranian diaspora. Khatami also encouraged the growth of New Wave films by exempting many filmmakers from the onerous procedure
of getting their scripts approved before commencing actual shooting. But when Rafsanjani took over in 1991, the radicals in the government began to look at cinema suspiciously. Actually, it was Khomeini’s death in 1989 that had made the clerics in Tehran uneasy. By 1991, the situation became so volatile that Khatami was forced to resign. Rafsanjani’s government banned many films and charged filmmakers of supporting western imperialism. Rafsanjani’s presidency also witnessed the privatization of many industries. This led to the partial removal of government subsidies from many industries including film. In 1995, 214 people, associated with different departments of filmmaking in Iran wrote an open letter to the MCIG, demanding simplification of rules related to the production and exhibition of films. Six years later Khatami was elected president, defeating Rafsanjani and his radical supporters decisively. Filmmakers like Seyfollah Dad and Mohsen Makhmalbaf played an important role in Khatami’s victory. During Khatami’s tenure, prerevolutionary veterans like Abbas Kiarostami, Dairush Mehrjui and Mohsen Makhmalbaf rose in stature, while a younger generation of filmmakers such as Majid Majidi, Abolfazl Jalili, Jafar Panahi, Samira Makhmalbaf and Behman Qobadi became international celebrities. Post-revolutionary Iranian cinema is certainly different in the way spectatorship is constituted, women objectified and the look organized. It is this difference that requires further exploration. According to film scholar Shahla Lahiji pre-revolutionary cinema (Film Farsi), portrayed women as “unchaste dolls”. They appeared on the screen as semi-naked dancing stars. Postrevolutionary cinema sought to render her into a “chaste doll”. 13 All real women (working/professional/rebellious) were banished from the screen. According to the MCIG regulations women were to be portrayed as chaste, God-fearing housewives or mothers; their bodies could not be displayed or shown walking provocatively, eye contact had to be avoided with men and she was expected to remain covered with a chador even in the presence of her closest kin. For the Islamic state, gendering cinema was both an ideological necessity as well as a pragmatic measure. Here Lahiji’s metaphor of the “chaste doll” for the woman in the new Iranian cinema seems somewhat quite misplaced. A careful reading of the cinema of this period reveals that many filmmakers were successful in challenging and transgressing MCIG regulations. For example, as early as 1994, Abbas Kiarastomi deployed panning and closeup shots for his celebrated film Through the Olive Trees. Later, similar techniques were adopted by Samira Makhmalbaf in The Apple (1998) and by Kim Longinotto and Ziba Mir-Hosseni in Divorce Iranian Style (1998). Incidentally, when Hojjatoleslam Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Speaker of April-June 2010 :: 133
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of getting their scripts approved before<br />
commencing actual shooting. But when<br />
Rafsanjani took over in 1991, the radicals<br />
in the government began to look at cinema<br />
suspiciously. Actually, it was Khomeini’s<br />
death in 1989 that had made the clerics<br />
in Tehran uneasy. By 1991, the situation<br />
became so volatile that Khatami was<br />
forced to resign. Rafsanjani’s government<br />
banned many films and charged<br />
filmmakers of supporting western<br />
imperialism. Rafsanjani’s presidency also<br />
witnessed the privatization of many<br />
industries. This led to the partial removal<br />
of government subsidies from many<br />
industries including film. In 1995, 214<br />
people, associated with different<br />
departments of filmmaking in Iran wrote<br />
an open letter to the MCIG, demanding<br />
simplification of rules related to the<br />
production and exhibition of films. Six<br />
years later Khatami was elected president,<br />
defeating Rafsanjani and his radical<br />
supporters decisively. Filmmakers like<br />
Seyfollah Dad and Mohsen Makhmalbaf<br />
played an important role in Khatami’s<br />
victory. During Khatami’s tenure, prerevolutionary<br />
veterans like Abbas<br />
Kiarostami, Dairush Mehrjui and Mohsen<br />
Makhmalbaf rose in stature, while a<br />
younger generation of filmmakers such<br />
as Majid Majidi, Abolfazl Jalili, Jafar<br />
Panahi, Samira Makhmalbaf and Behman<br />
Qobadi became international celebrities.<br />
Post-revolutionary Iranian cinema is<br />
certainly different in the way<br />
spectatorship is constituted, women<br />
objectified and the look organized. It<br />
is this difference that requires further<br />
exploration. According to film scholar<br />
Shahla Lahiji pre-revolutionary cinema<br />
(Film Farsi), portrayed women as<br />
“unchaste dolls”. They appeared on the<br />
screen as semi-naked dancing stars. Postrevolutionary<br />
cinema sought to render<br />
her into a “chaste doll”. 13 All real women<br />
(working/professional/rebellious) were<br />
banished from the screen. According to<br />
the MCIG regulations women were to<br />
be portrayed as chaste, God-fearing<br />
housewives or mothers; their bodies could<br />
not be displayed or shown walking<br />
provocatively, eye contact had to be<br />
avoided with men and she was expected<br />
to remain covered with a chador even<br />
in the presence of her closest kin. For<br />
the Islamic state, gendering cinema was<br />
both an ideological necessity as well<br />
as a pragmatic measure. Here Lahiji’s<br />
metaphor of the “chaste doll” for the<br />
woman in the new Iranian cinema seems<br />
somewhat quite misplaced. A careful<br />
reading of the cinema of this period<br />
reveals that many filmmakers were<br />
successful in challenging and<br />
transgressing MCIG regulations. For<br />
example, as early as 1994, Abbas<br />
Kiarastomi deployed panning and closeup<br />
shots for his celebrated film Through<br />
the Olive Trees. Later, similar techniques<br />
were adopted by Samira Makhmalbaf in<br />
The Apple (1998) and by Kim Longinotto<br />
and Ziba Mir-Hosseni in Divorce Iranian<br />
Style (1998).<br />
Incidentally, when Hojjatoleslam Ali<br />
Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Speaker of<br />
April-June 2010 :: 133