EFFECT OF VITAMINS C AND E INTAKE ON BLOOD ... - EuroJournals
EFFECT OF VITAMINS C AND E INTAKE ON BLOOD ... - EuroJournals
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European Journal of Social Sciences - Volume 2, Number 1 (2006)<br />
of a people is above all an essential part of its general history" and that taxes do not only help to create<br />
the state, but also help to form it. Schumpeter's argument appears relevant to Nigeria's political history<br />
where fiscal finance forms a dominant part. Nobert EIias (1996:345-6) focuses on the state’s monopoly<br />
of violence and explains the inter-relationship between the use of physical violence and taxation. He<br />
comments,<br />
The society of what we call the modern age is characterized, above all in the West, by a certain level of monopolization. Free use of<br />
military weapons is denied the individual and reserved to a central authority of whatever kind, and likewise the taxation of the property<br />
or income of individuals is concentrated in the hands of a central social authority. The financial means thus flowing into this central<br />
authority maintain its monopoly of military force, while this in turn maintains the monopoly of taxation.<br />
Many African States, including Nigeria, have abused this monopoly of violence and taxation. In<br />
Nigeria, the military has used its weapons not only to harass, but to extort money from innocent and<br />
defenceless citizens. In December 1968, "a combined team of police and army opened fire on (tax)<br />
agitators" in Western State. At the end of the demonstrations, "it was estimated that more than fifty<br />
people had been killed in different parts of the state with several more wounded." (Drum, 1969). This<br />
type of state violence has replayed itself times without number in the country.<br />
State monopoly can be viewed from another angle. The federal government enjoys some certain<br />
monopoly of taxing powers as contained in the constitution. 3 It also enjoys monopoly over the armed<br />
forces (the army, the air force and navy), the police and other para-military bodies.Human (1995:20)<br />
provides explanation for the State’s monopoly of violence:<br />
States justify the violence they use to this end by saying that they cannot do the good that they do for their societies if they are not given<br />
the right of ultimate recourse to violence against those who impede, resist or impair their efforts. To forestall a situation where, in every<br />
case, individuals or groups of people resist their actions, states have to employ violent means; states establish their control over society<br />
by demanding a monopoly over the means of violence. ... Hence the force used by the state is sometimes referred to as 'legitimate'.<br />
Violence used by any one else in society is seen as 'illegitimate.'<br />
Human’s argument appears reasonable and logical provided it is not turned to oppression of citizens.<br />
Some scholars have dealt with specific aspects of public finance in Nigeria. Adedeji (1969) reviews<br />
Nigeria’s fiscal policy from 1946 to 1969; Mbanefoh and Anyanwu (1990) deal with the constitutional<br />
role of revenue mobilization and allocation among the various tiers of government; and Adesola (1989)<br />
examines the machinery for collection and disbursement of public funds in Nigeria with a prescription<br />
for the aborted Third Republic. A great deal of work has also been devoted to tax administration in<br />
Nigeria. They include (Adesola, 1986; Okele, 1986; Omopariola and Nassar, 1986; Oyelere and<br />
Oyewole, 1986; Oribabor, 1986). Others have limited their scope to local government finance. In this<br />
category, are Adedeji and Rowland (1971) and Bello-Imam (1989). The intellectual and theoretical<br />
discourse has shown that the subject of taxation and fiscal policy has received substantial attention;<br />
although not from governance perspective, which is the focus of this paper.<br />
Nigerian governance: historical and geographical profile<br />
Nigerian governance environment can best be understood within its political, historical and<br />
geographical profile. The amalgamation of the Southern and Northern Protectorates and the Lagos<br />
Colony gave birth to Nigeria from a motley of nationalities and ethnic groups on January 1, 1914 . In<br />
1954, the country adopted a federal system and attained Independence on October 1960 with<br />
Westminster Parliamentary system of government. The federal system has transmuted from a twotiered<br />
federal structure, comprising three unequal regions to a three-tiered federal system of 36 states,<br />
one federal capital territory (FCT) and 774 local governments. Nigeria is 924,000 square kilometres<br />
with two distinct climatic zones - the tropical south and the hot, dry north. Three main cultural groups<br />
3See item 39 of the Exclusive Legislative List of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.<br />
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