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passive emotionalism' (Sterritt, 1999: 12). Godard's intention to subvert traditional cinema is<br />

generally believed to be the stylistic mode through which he articulated his political intention<br />

to criticize modern society and its mass media 7 (Sterritt, 1999: 20-21). For Douglas Morrey,<br />

the most important vehicle <strong>of</strong> Godard's criticism <strong>of</strong> society is represented by dialogue, the<br />

recurrent use <strong>of</strong> the interview format, and voiceover commentaries which <strong>of</strong>ten become meta-<br />

commentaries performed by Godard himself. (2) This verbal component can be read as the<br />

most prominent element <strong>of</strong> the Brechtian lesson that Godard transposes into cinema. Morrey<br />

argues that Brecht's distanciation techniques are deployed in Vivre sa vie (1962) in the format<br />

<strong>of</strong> twelve tableaux, an approach confirmed by Godard himself (Morrey, 2005: 39), and<br />

further examples <strong>of</strong> such techniques are found in 2 on 3 choses que je sais d'elle, (1967) for<br />

example, when characters directly address the camera, and when unusual frame compositions<br />

accompanied by commentaries draw attention to the artifice <strong>of</strong> the film-making process.<br />

The educational function that Godard wanted for his cinema reached its peak in the<br />

collective films in which he participated, films which also exemplified an orthodox Marxist-<br />

Leninist approach. Critical responses to Godard's voiceover commentaries were mixed,<br />

Morrey referencing and implicitly endorsing Sterritt's view regarding the scene in Week-end<br />

(1967) where 'the extraordinarily long and didactic political speeches delivered by two<br />

garbage men' arguably marks the point 'where the spectator's patience runs out' (Sterritt in<br />

Morrey, 2005: 76). As regards Godard's involvement in collective film-making with the<br />

Dziga Vertov Group, and the project's aims and implied audiences, Morrey asserts that while<br />

it is understandable that films like Pravda (1970) with their 'relentless onslaught <strong>of</strong> Marxist-<br />

Leninist analysis' were aimed 'at specific groups <strong>of</strong> committed militant activists', it is also<br />

true that they 'missed a crucial political opportunity' to address a wider audience in the<br />

vibrant political ambience <strong>of</strong> post-1968 France (Morrey, 2005: 94-95). The notion <strong>of</strong><br />

producing films for an extremely narrow implied audience - for an elite political vanguard in<br />

47

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