The Stone Money of Yap - Smithsonian Institution

12 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY
was told that "well-finished/*z about four feet [1.2 m]
in diameter" was usually paid either to the parents of
the mispil or to the chief of her village. 130 Christian, who
must have been a real romantic, stated that "the
reason that the stone wheels are piled at the foot of
these structures (the failu) is that the Mespil may in
looking upon them remember that they themselves
were bought with great price, and must prove themselves
worthy of the honour conferred on them." 131
In expressing the many occasions for spending money
that a Yapese experienced, Muller said "that even the
fair sex in the clubhouses is not there for free." 132
Money had to be spent for the mispil so the men of the
failu first had to earn the money. If they went fishing
the canoe in which they went cost money. Money was
a driving force and this fact does not seem to have
drastically changed over the years. In 1949, Francis
Mahoney, evaluating the compelling forces of the
island psychology, stated that all groups that were
tested "placed a strong positive valuation on hard
work and money-making." 133
Individual, as well as group, need for money was a
real part of the Yapese life. Mahoney made the point
in his paper that the islander was a conformist. 134
Particular things were expected of an individual and
one needed stone money in order to conform. A man
must be ornamented. He had to pay the tattooer and
the maker of ornaments. His doctor, sorcerer, even
priest would want monetary compensation. Senfft
commented in the early part of the century that
"whatever could be provided by his fellow countrymen,
the Yapese pays for with Yap money." 135
There were times when one needed money for the
purchase of food in this subsistence economy. Hernsheim
stated that a small rai, the size of a small plate
and thick as an upper arm, would buy a family's
monthly supply of fish, yams, and taro. 136 I imagine
that this price was reported to Hernsheim only as an
example of the food which could be purchased. Certainly
there were special occasions, such as festivals
or funerals, which would necessitate the purchase of
food in order to serve the many guests. Normally,
though, a family would sustain itself from their own
land and would not use the valuable rai for daily
needs.
Marriage is often mentioned as a time when the
stone money might be exchanged. I find little documentation
of its use strictly as a "bride price." Kotzebue
in 1821 stated:
Marriages are concluded without any solemnities. A man
makes a present to the father of the girl, consisting of fruits, fish
and similar things. The value of the gift is according to the rank
of the father of the bride. 137
Over 80 years later Muller reported that the betrothal
gift to the father of the bridegroom consisted
of yar or shell money. Again, however, there were
reciprocal gifts. Several months after marriage the
groom received 10 to 30 little pieces of stone money
from his father-in-law. He kept two pieces for himself
and gave the others to his relatives. 138 One must
remember that in "giving" away the remaining rai
he would be paying for the item which they would
soon be "giving" him. The system is almost one of
pre-payment.
As mentioned previously, death necessitated the
redistribution of money. Muller reported that the
brothers and father of the surviving spouse gave rai
to other members of the family of the deceased. Again
reciprocity was involved for the brothers and father
received shell money in return. 139 As death came
unannounced, often the family was not financially
equipped to meet the burden. The borrowing of
money that was distributed at the funeral came to
have a special Yapese name. 140 Rai was needed as
gifts for the invited guests. Senfft wrote that gifts
might represent "a value of thousands of marks." 141
The donors, however, in the course of time would be
repaid for they would be guests at another funeral.
One of the last stones quarried in Palau was made
in 1931 and transported in 1932. It was chipped out
by one Gilimoon of Dechmur, Romil, and given to
Figir of Luwech, Rull, "as payment for services."
Gilimoon had been exiled from Yap and "this stone
money enabled him to return to Yap from Angaur
Island [Palau district]." 142 Unfortunately the stone
was later used by the Japanese for airport construction
and thus destroyed.
In the examples above, we have observed occasions
for the "giving" of stone money. It must be reiterated
though that no piece of money had a definite, unalterable
value. Buying power was always dependent
upon the social position of the buyer and the receiver,
as well as the occasion for use. One would have been
expected "to pay a bit more to an old man or to a
woman." 143 Kubary said that an exchange between
chiefs would involve different values than if men of
lesser standing had been involved. 144 Value was
somewhat relative in such dealings, but it was never
arbitrary. Custom and tradition established a firm
criteria of exchange.