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CORROBORATING EVIDENCE 229<br />

There is no reason to suppose that social researchers are somehow immune from<br />

pressures such as these. Perhaps their careers are less illustrious and their prizes are<br />

less tempting! On the other hand, perhaps their opportunities to fabricate or falsify<br />

evidence are even greater. There are two main checks on the fabrication or<br />

falsification of evidence. One is the normative assumptions and ethical code of the<br />

research community. The other is the fear of being found out. While the former<br />

may be as strong amongst social researchers as amongst any other research<br />

community, the latter is undoubtedly weaker. To be ‘found out’ requires replication,<br />

and in qualitative <strong>analysis</strong> this is notoriously difficult to achieve. Unlike the<br />

physicists, who could try to replicate the research of colleagues claiming to have<br />

produced cold nuclear fusion in a test tube (and show that the supposed scientific<br />

breakthrough was a laboratory error) the results of most qualitative <strong>analysis</strong> mostly<br />

have to be taken on trust. Replication is often not a practical proposition. Aside<br />

from the pervasive preference amongst socials scientists for doing ‘original’ research<br />

rather than replicating the work of others, replication of most qualitative studies<br />

would require an impractical commitment of resources and effort.<br />

The rare efforts that have been made to replicate earlier research are not exactly<br />

encouraging. Bryman (1988:74–6) notes two cases in which the results of classic<br />

anthropological studies (by Lewis and Mead) were later hotly contested upon<br />

subsequent ‘replication’ by other researchers. These replications were themselves<br />

controversial, since though they produced quite contradictory results, in practice<br />

they could not replicate the original studies in terms of both time and place. Indeed,<br />

in so far as qualitative studies aim to be sensitive to factors embedded in a specific<br />

time and place, it is difficult to see how such replication could be achieved.<br />

In place of ‘external’ replication by other research, then, the qualitative analyst<br />

must perforce rely on ‘internal’ replication of his or her own research. By ‘internal’<br />

replication I mean that colleagues can inspect the procedures through which<br />

evidence has been produced—at least in principle—and check whether using similar<br />

procedures they achieve similar results with the <strong>data</strong>. There may be no direct<br />

parallel for the recent checks on whether proper procedures have been followed in<br />

the production of criminal evidence (e.g. testing to see whether notes ostensibly<br />

written during interviews have been added to afterwards). For one thing, qualitative<br />

research is noted for its lack of established procedures and agreed canons governing<br />

the conduct of enquiry. But the principle of ensuring that such procedures as are<br />

followed can stand up to scrutiny can be applied. The computer makes this more<br />

possible than previously, because it facilitates recording of successive stages in the<br />

transformation of <strong>data</strong> and easy access to the <strong>data</strong> in its original form.<br />

I noted earlier that the qualitative analyst may have to play all the roles in the<br />

analytic drama. Ideally, internal replication involves making the research open to<br />

outside scrutiny, Of course, other researchers may be too preoccupied with their

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