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INTRODUCTION 5<br />

qualitative methods. This is a topic I address explicitly in Chapter 4, but it also forms<br />

a recurrent theme throughout the discussion of analytic procedures in the rest of the<br />

book.<br />

On the other hand, software development has also provoked concerns about the<br />

potentially damaging implications of new technological forms for traditional<br />

methods of <strong>analysis</strong>. Some developers have emphasized the potential danger of the<br />

software they themselves have produced in facilitating more mechanical approaches<br />

to analysing qualitative <strong>data</strong>, displacing traditional analytic skills. This concern has<br />

highlighted the need to teach computing techniques within a pedagogic framework<br />

informed by documented analytic principles and procedures. Paradoxically,<br />

however, existing accounts of qualitative methodology and research are notoriously<br />

deficient in precisely this area. Burgess (1982), for example, in his review of field<br />

research, complains that there are relatively few accounts from practitioners of the<br />

actual process of <strong>data</strong> <strong>analysis</strong> or from methodologists on how <strong>data</strong> <strong>analysis</strong> can be<br />

done. The literature is littered with such complaints about the lack of clear accounts<br />

of analytic principles and procedures and how these have been applied in social<br />

research. Perhaps part of the problem has been that analytic procedures seem<br />

deceptively simple. The conceptual aspects of <strong>analysis</strong> seem frustratingly elusive,<br />

while the mechanical aspects seem embarrassingly obvious. Thus Jones suggests that<br />

qualitative <strong>data</strong> <strong>analysis</strong> involves processes of interpretation and creativity that are<br />

difficult to make explicit; on the other hand, ‘a great deal of qualitative <strong>data</strong> <strong>analysis</strong><br />

is rather less mysterious than hard, sometimes, tedious, slog’ (Jones 1985:56).<br />

The low status and marginality of qualitative research generally have fostered<br />

defensive posturing which emphasizes (and perhaps exaggerates) the subtleties and<br />

complexities involved in qualitative <strong>analysis</strong>. It has also led to a heavy emphasis on<br />

rigorous <strong>analysis</strong>. The resulting analytic requirements can seem quite intimidating,<br />

even to the experienced practitioner. There has also been a tendency to dress<br />

methodological issues in ideological guise, stressing the supposedly distinctive<br />

virtues and requirements of qualitative <strong>analysis</strong>, by contrast with quantitative<br />

methods, for example in apprehending meaning or in generating theory. At its<br />

worst, this aspires to a form of methodological imperialism which claims that<br />

qualitative <strong>analysis</strong> can only proceed down one particular road. As Bryman (1988)<br />

argues, more heat than light has been generated by the promulgation of<br />

epistemological canons that bear only a tenuous relation to what practitioners<br />

actually do. To borrow an apt analogy, we need to focus on what makes the car run,<br />

rather than the design and performance of particular models (Richards and Richards<br />

1991).<br />

This lacuna has been made good to some extent in recent years (e.g. Patton 1980,<br />

Bliss et al. 1983, Miles and Huberman 1984, Strauss 1987, Strauss and Corbin<br />

1990), though not always in ways accessible to the firsttime practitioner. This book

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