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Qualitative_data_analysis

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158 QUALITATIVE DATA ANALYSIS<br />

Another possibility—perhaps more promising—would shift our focus from<br />

substance to style. We may decide that our interest lies less in the occupational<br />

characteristics themselves than in the incongruous effects of their transposition.<br />

Instead of invoking or depending on stereotypical images, the <strong>data</strong>bits assigned to<br />

the category ‘difference’ rely rather on the absurd results of transposing<br />

characteristics from one occupation to another. It is through the incongruity of<br />

these images that Woody Allen achieves his humorous effects.<br />

To check out these possibilities, we can look at empirical as well as conceptual<br />

relationships between our residual category ‘differences’ and other categories used in<br />

the <strong>analysis</strong>. For example, we can check how often those <strong>data</strong>bits assigned to<br />

‘difference’ have also been assigned to ‘transposing’, ‘empathizing’ and so on. Suppose<br />

it turns out that all the ‘difference’ <strong>data</strong>bits have also been assigned to the category<br />

‘transposing’, because they involve a transposition between the characteristics we<br />

associate with artistic and dental work. For example, in the image of a dentist<br />

autographing his work the incongruity arises from a straight transposition of<br />

occupational characteristics.<br />

From this point of view, we could perhaps consider whether the use Woody Allen<br />

makes of ‘differences’ illuminates some aspect of incongruity as a form of humour.<br />

The fact that these transpositions depend mainly on familiar occupational<br />

characteristics may further illuminate the manner in which Woody Allen achieves<br />

his comic effects. Comedy is culturally dependent and transposition therefore<br />

requires ready recognition of what is being transposed. If we felt this aspect was<br />

important enough, we could perhaps justify retaining ‘differences’ as a category in<br />

our <strong>analysis</strong>. However, we might reconceptualize this as an aspect of style, for<br />

example recategorizing these <strong>data</strong>bits under the new category ‘familiar’ to indicate<br />

those transpositions which depend upon ready recognition of just what is being<br />

transposed. Before doing so, we could check all the <strong>data</strong>bits which have been<br />

assigned to ‘transposing’ but not to ‘differences’ to see whether these might also be<br />

categorized as ‘familiar’ or ‘unfamiliar’. Whether we introduce or retain such<br />

categories would then depend on how effectively they discriminated between<br />

different aspects of transposition.<br />

Overall, what began with a reinterpretation of a relatively minor subcategory,<br />

‘task’, has led us to make a major shift in analytic emphasis. The importance of the<br />

category ‘stereotypes’ has been weakened, and with it the role of ‘substance’ rather<br />

than ‘style’ in our <strong>analysis</strong> (Figure 10.9).<br />

Attention has shifted to the role of ‘incongruity’ and in particular of ‘transposing’<br />

in achieving humorous effects. At the same time, we have sharpened our conception<br />

of ‘stereotypes’ and can have more confidence in the empirical relevance of our<br />

<strong>analysis</strong>.

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