The International Political Thought of Carl Schmitt: Terror, Liberal ...
The International Political Thought of Carl Schmitt: Terror, Liberal ...
The International Political Thought of Carl Schmitt: Terror, Liberal ...
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30 A. Colombo<br />
Finally, there remains one last, but not less important, deviation from the<br />
most prevalent kind <strong>of</strong> realism in <strong>International</strong> Relations. <strong>The</strong> realist and neorealist<br />
obsession with power tends to dissolve the expression ‘state’ into the more<br />
generic expression ‘international actor’ so as to completely lose its historical and<br />
legal peculiarity with respect to other influential actors. <strong>Schmitt</strong>, on the contrary,<br />
never ceases to consider the state itself to be a specific institution, historically<br />
and legally determined and, therefore, historically and legally reversible. As he<br />
puts it,<br />
you hear one speak <strong>of</strong> the ‘ancient state’ <strong>of</strong> the Greeks and Romans rather<br />
than the polis and Romana respublica, the ‘Germanic Medieval state’ rather<br />
than the Reich, and even the Arab, Turk and Chinese states. In this way, a<br />
concrete and specific form <strong>of</strong> political organization absolutely temporally<br />
and historically conditioned loses its historical localization and its particular<br />
content.<br />
(<strong>Schmitt</strong> 1958: 376)<br />
A reversed image <strong>of</strong> history: from anarchy to nihilism<br />
<strong>The</strong> last and most decisive particularity <strong>of</strong> <strong>Schmitt</strong>’s realist institutionalism also<br />
results from his interest in the constituent institutions <strong>of</strong> modern international<br />
politics as well as their concrete foundations. <strong>The</strong> image <strong>of</strong> the twentieth century<br />
put forward in Der Nomos der Erde is exactly the opposite <strong>of</strong> how it is portrayed<br />
in both liberal institutionalism and the kind <strong>of</strong> institutionalism epitomized in the<br />
League <strong>of</strong> Nations and the United Nations. For <strong>Schmitt</strong>, the twentieth century<br />
appears to be, not the century <strong>of</strong> a difficult but unrestrainable construction <strong>of</strong> a<br />
large web <strong>of</strong> (new) international institutions, but, rather, a century that sees the<br />
collapse <strong>of</strong> the classic institutions that constituted the European system. It is no<br />
longer the century <strong>of</strong> international law par excellence, but, quite the opposite,<br />
the powerless witness <strong>of</strong> its self-destruction. It is, above all, no longer the chief<br />
protagonist in the overcoming <strong>of</strong> anarchy and war, but instead the battleground<br />
<strong>of</strong> wars lacking any limits and rules.<br />
At this point, two facts should be remembered: first, international law<br />
sought to prevent wars <strong>of</strong> annihilation, i.e., to the extent that war is<br />
inevitable, to bracket it; and second, any abolition <strong>of</strong> war without true<br />
bracketing resulted only in new, perhaps even worse types <strong>of</strong> war, such as<br />
reversions to civil war and other types <strong>of</strong> war <strong>of</strong> annihilation. In Geneva,<br />
however, there was much talk about the proscription and abolition <strong>of</strong> war,<br />
but none about a spatial bracketing <strong>of</strong> war.<br />
(<strong>Schmitt</strong> 2003: 246)<br />
This dissolution <strong>of</strong> the jus publicum Europaeum is the result <strong>of</strong> the collapse<br />
<strong>of</strong> both historical-concrete pillars <strong>of</strong> its foundation. <strong>The</strong> first pillar, upon which<br />
the original linkage between Ordnung and Ortung was founded, is the centrality