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The International Political Thought of Carl Schmitt: Terror, Liberal ...

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26 A. Colombo<br />

While being the result <strong>of</strong> the absence <strong>of</strong> government par excellence, war also<br />

becomes, at the same time, the place <strong>of</strong> the highest institutionalization <strong>of</strong> international<br />

life – guerre en forme, as <strong>Schmitt</strong> writes, in contrast to the frightening<br />

lack <strong>of</strong> form <strong>of</strong> civil war. It is something similar to a duel, an armed clash<br />

between territorially determined personae morales who recognize the jus belli in<br />

one another, and, thus, manage to give legal form to enemies, clearly distinguishing<br />

them from criminals (aliud est hostis, aliud rebellis).<br />

In this historical and juridical reconstruction, the meaning <strong>of</strong> inter-state war is<br />

radically different from how it is portrayed in both orthodox realism and liberal<br />

institutionalism. <strong>The</strong> latter, comparing inter-state war to domestic pacification,<br />

considers it the paramount expression <strong>of</strong> international anarchy. <strong>Schmitt</strong>, on the<br />

contrary, comparing it to civil war, considers inter-state war the paramount<br />

expression <strong>of</strong> how anarchy is put into form by the jus publicum Europaeum.<br />

Compared to the complete indefiniteness <strong>of</strong> civil war, inter-state war turns out to<br />

be a circumscribed phenomenon, clearly delimited in space and time, and open,<br />

not to whomever has the power to fight – as would be the case in unlimited<br />

anarchy – but only to those who assume the juridical form <strong>of</strong> the state and<br />

respect the norms and procedures <strong>of</strong> the jus publicum Europaeum. <strong>The</strong> historical<br />

significance <strong>of</strong> inter-state war is to be found in its restrictions as well as its<br />

acceptability. As another realist scholar interested in the institutional dimension<br />

<strong>of</strong> international relations, Hedley Bull, puts it,<br />

the development <strong>of</strong> the modern concept <strong>of</strong> war as organized violence among<br />

sovereign states was the outcome <strong>of</strong> a process <strong>of</strong> limitation or confinement<br />

<strong>of</strong> violence. We are accustomed, in the modern world, to contrast war<br />

between states with peace between states; but the historical alternative to<br />

war between states was more ubiquitous violence.<br />

(Bull 1977: 185)<br />

<strong>The</strong> state as the adequate bearer <strong>of</strong> the European order<br />

<strong>The</strong> realist stamp <strong>of</strong> <strong>Schmitt</strong>’s institutionalism becomes clearer when confronted<br />

with the problem <strong>of</strong> the persistence and/or the crisis <strong>of</strong> institutions. Consistent<br />

with his anti-formalistic approach, <strong>Schmitt</strong> makes the persistence <strong>of</strong> the jus publicum<br />

Europaeum dependent on two concrete historical conditions. <strong>The</strong> first is<br />

the tw<strong>of</strong>old dichotomy between land and sea and between European and non-<br />

European space (<strong>Schmitt</strong> 1997, 2003), which <strong>Schmitt</strong> sums up in the concept <strong>of</strong><br />

nomos and the connection it establishes between Ordnung (order) and Ortung<br />

(orientation). This dichotomy, the product <strong>of</strong> the great appropriations <strong>of</strong> the sixteenth<br />

and seventeenth centuries, is the concrete foundation <strong>of</strong> the jus publicum<br />

Europaeum, namely, its nomos.<br />

<strong>The</strong> concrete, practical, political forms, arrangements, and preconceptions<br />

that developed for the cohabitation <strong>of</strong> continental European power complexes<br />

in this interstate epoch clearly demonstrates that the essential and

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