The International Political Thought of Carl Schmitt: Terror, Liberal ...
The International Political Thought of Carl Schmitt: Terror, Liberal ...
The International Political Thought of Carl Schmitt: Terror, Liberal ...
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8 L. Odysseos and F. Petito<br />
maintenance <strong>of</strong> a balance (ibid.: 161), known within <strong>International</strong> Relations as<br />
the ‘balance <strong>of</strong> power’. This relates to the avoidance <strong>of</strong> wars <strong>of</strong> destruction,<br />
because if balance was the political and military objective, then wars could be<br />
limited to achieving it, unlike wars <strong>of</strong> substance and just cause which required<br />
the submission <strong>of</strong> the opponent or their resocialisation. <strong>The</strong> workings <strong>of</strong> the<br />
system <strong>of</strong> a continental equilibrium between European territorial states were predominantly<br />
visible in the resolution <strong>of</strong> the fundamental problem <strong>of</strong> territorial<br />
change: how to allow for territorial changes within European soil without endangering<br />
the overall spatial ordering <strong>of</strong> the jus publicum Europaeum. <strong>The</strong> problem<br />
was resolved in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries through the international<br />
law procedure <strong>of</strong> the great peace conferences under the leadership <strong>of</strong> the great<br />
powers. This represented the supreme legal institutionalisation <strong>of</strong> the foundation<br />
<strong>of</strong> the European international law, the balance <strong>of</strong> power, articulated in its two<br />
main principles: first, every important war among European states is a legitimate<br />
concern for all the members <strong>of</strong> the community <strong>of</strong> European states and, second, it<br />
is for the great powers as guarantors <strong>of</strong> the European spatial ordering to recognise<br />
the relevant territorial changes (ibid.: 185–212).<br />
<strong>The</strong> spatiality <strong>of</strong> the nomos <strong>of</strong> the earth, moreover, underscored its longevity<br />
because it allowed European powers to conduct limited, rationalised, wars in<br />
Europe while pursuing appropriation <strong>of</strong> lands elsewhere. It is important to note,<br />
however, that the ability to balance power was also based on the fundamental<br />
contraposition between ‘Land’ and ‘Sea’ that took shape as a result <strong>of</strong> another<br />
unique historical event, the British conquest <strong>of</strong> the seas (<strong>Schmitt</strong> 1997). <strong>Schmitt</strong><br />
argues that it is in the coexistence, full <strong>of</strong> tensions, <strong>of</strong> these two different global<br />
spatial orderings, land and sea, that the nomos <strong>of</strong> the earth was grounded. Within<br />
this framework, ‘the connecting link between the different orders <strong>of</strong> land and sea<br />
became the island <strong>of</strong> England’ (<strong>Schmitt</strong> 2003: 173), ruler <strong>of</strong> the seas and guarantor<br />
<strong>of</strong> the equilibrium between land and sea. From 1713 to 1914, then, there<br />
were two main distinctions within the nomos <strong>of</strong> the earth: a division between<br />
land and sea, relevant to distinguish between land-war and sea-war with their<br />
respective concepts <strong>of</strong> enemy, war and plunder; and a division <strong>of</strong> the firm land<br />
between the soil <strong>of</strong> European states, where the limitation <strong>of</strong> interstate war<br />
applied, and the soil <strong>of</strong> colonial territories, where it did not (ibid.: 184).<br />
This brief exploration, taken up, expanded and critiqued by each <strong>of</strong> the contributors<br />
to the volume, suggests that <strong>Schmitt</strong>’s Nomos has to be accorded its<br />
proper place, side by side with other major classics, as a founding text <strong>of</strong> <strong>International</strong><br />
Relations, corrective <strong>of</strong> the ahistoricity <strong>of</strong> the discipline and its blindness<br />
to the ways in which spatiality, law and politics constitute world order.<br />
Moreover, it opens up the possibility to recast the thought <strong>of</strong> <strong>Schmitt</strong> as international<br />
but <strong>of</strong> a radically heterodox character.<br />
Assessing <strong>Schmitt</strong>’s heterodox international thought<br />
As the above discussion suggests, <strong>Schmitt</strong> provides an alternative examination<br />
<strong>of</strong> the historical emergence and specificity <strong>of</strong> the Westphalian system <strong>of</strong> states,