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The International Political Thought of Carl Schmitt: Terror, Liberal ...

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emerging global constitution.... In short, better to ‘get with the program’<br />

than wait till it gets you.<br />

(2003: 529–530)<br />

In other words, when it comes to politics, the only thing Wendt can say is: better<br />

to be on the side <strong>of</strong> the things to come. And by doing so, his teleological explanation<br />

is revealed for what it really is: a philosophy <strong>of</strong> history in the sense that<br />

<strong>Schmitt</strong> had identified as the problem behind any argument for world unity.<br />

In the economy <strong>of</strong> the chapter’s overall argument, a ‘<strong>Schmitt</strong>ian’ reading <strong>of</strong><br />

Wendt reveals two key normative working logics <strong>of</strong> the present preference for<br />

world unity: the identification <strong>of</strong> territorial sovereignty as the dark side <strong>of</strong> politics,<br />

the summum malum (the greatest evil) to be got rid <strong>of</strong>, and an implicit<br />

philosophy <strong>of</strong> history aiming at a summum bonum (the greatest good). Unfortunately,<br />

as Alessandro Colombo clearly shows in Chapter 1 <strong>of</strong> this volume, rather<br />

than opening the way to an eternal peace, the end <strong>of</strong> state sovereignty and the<br />

endorsement <strong>of</strong> philosophy <strong>of</strong> history mark, for <strong>Schmitt</strong>, the end <strong>of</strong> a limitation<br />

and humanization <strong>of</strong> war and the entrance to the dangerous era <strong>of</strong> the limitless<br />

intensification <strong>of</strong> war and global civil war.<br />

Concluding remarks: for an intellectual strategy beyond<br />

<strong>Schmitt</strong><br />

Against world unity 179<br />

<strong>Schmitt</strong>’s post-Second World War writings on world order <strong>of</strong>fer a fascinating<br />

journey, bounded by two lines that could not be crossed: the first line is that <strong>of</strong><br />

the past, <strong>of</strong> unrepeatable and unique history, the line <strong>of</strong> jus publicum<br />

Europaeum, and the second one is that <strong>of</strong> the future, an impossible concept<br />

beyond history, the line <strong>of</strong> World Unity. Between these two lines <strong>Schmitt</strong><br />

searched for a new nomos <strong>of</strong> the earth. His predictions, or perhaps hopes, <strong>of</strong> the<br />

emergence <strong>of</strong> a pluriverse <strong>of</strong> Großräume through the fragile structure <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Cold War turned out to be in vain or maybe only premature. <strong>Schmitt</strong>’s thought,<br />

however, provides a wealth <strong>of</strong> insights and intellectual resources to articulate<br />

our present global condition and, in this respect, <strong>The</strong> Nomos <strong>of</strong> the Earth should<br />

be numbered among the classics <strong>of</strong> international political thought.<br />

I have tried to show the potential <strong>of</strong> his thought by articulating an understanding<br />

<strong>of</strong> contemporary international relations as a Western-centric and liberal<br />

global international society. <strong>Schmitt</strong>’s analysis confirms what Hedley Bull and<br />

Adam Watson wrote in the introduction to their <strong>The</strong> Expansion <strong>of</strong> <strong>International</strong><br />

Society: ‘[w]e certainly hold that our subject can be understood only in historical<br />

perspective, and that without an awareness <strong>of</strong> the past that generated it, the universal<br />

international society <strong>of</strong> the present can have no meaning’ (1984: 9). Not<br />

only that: the international society tradition associated with the English School<br />

should be enriched by an encounter with the philosophical depth <strong>of</strong> the notion <strong>of</strong><br />

nomos, in order to avoid the reification <strong>of</strong> the inter-state system and its modern<br />

matrix and to face the challenge posed by the deeper layer <strong>of</strong> ‘spatial revolution’,<br />

legitimacy and intellectual sphere (concretely, in my view, this would

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