The International Political Thought of Carl Schmitt: Terror, Liberal ...
The International Political Thought of Carl Schmitt: Terror, Liberal ...
The International Political Thought of Carl Schmitt: Terror, Liberal ...
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6 L. Odysseos and F. Petito<br />
<strong>The</strong> global relations <strong>of</strong> appropriation – which <strong>International</strong> Relations has been<br />
forced to recognise as belonging to its domain <strong>of</strong> study only after persistent<br />
postcolonial and poststructuralist critiques (see for example Hoogvelt 2001;<br />
Campbell and Dillon 1993) – play a central and crucial role in <strong>Schmitt</strong>’s heterodox<br />
account <strong>of</strong> international politics and law.<br />
Indeed, <strong>Schmitt</strong> argues for a history <strong>of</strong> modern international politics that is<br />
inseparable not only from the rise <strong>of</strong> scientific rationality (<strong>Schmitt</strong> 2003: 53), or<br />
even from the spread <strong>of</strong> capitalism that more commonplace narratives <strong>of</strong> modernity<br />
emphasise, but first and foremost from the processes <strong>of</strong> land appropriation <strong>of</strong><br />
the New World by the state, which, as we noted above, was a specifically European<br />
form <strong>of</strong> social organisation. Indeed, he goes as far as to suggest that<br />
[t]he first question in international law was whether the lands <strong>of</strong> non-<br />
Christian, non-European peoples and princes were ‘free’ and without authority,<br />
whether non-European peoples were at such a low stage <strong>of</strong> civilization<br />
that they could become objects <strong>of</strong> organization by peoples at a higher stage.<br />
(ibid.: 137–138)<br />
Having already drawn a line to distinguish European from non-European –<br />
read ‘open’ or ‘free’ – space available for appropriation and agonal struggles for<br />
power, this order, moreover, regulated relations <strong>of</strong> war in Europe itself (ibid.:<br />
97). <strong>Schmitt</strong> called this regulation <strong>of</strong> war eine Hegung des Krieges, a bracketing<br />
<strong>of</strong> war, which resulted, he suggests, in what might well be the greatest achievement<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Westphalian order: the limitation and humanisation <strong>of</strong> war, which<br />
we examine below.<br />
Eine Hegung des Krieges: bracketing war<br />
Highlighting in the Nomos both the advent <strong>of</strong> the modern European state as the<br />
vehicle <strong>of</strong> secularisation and also its global geopolitical character allows <strong>Schmitt</strong><br />
to trace how this interstate order was able to limit and ‘rationalise and humanise’<br />
war. In acknowledging the patterns <strong>of</strong> violence in the form <strong>of</strong> limited interstate<br />
war, <strong>Schmitt</strong>’s Nomos also recounts the ways in which this order had succeeded<br />
in ‘bracketing’ war, precisely on the basis <strong>of</strong> drawing such geopolitical distinctions<br />
between European and non-European space and on pursuing land appropriations<br />
in the New World. <strong>Schmitt</strong> evaluates this occurrence as a significant legal<br />
and political achievement, for it had kept ‘war at bay’ (see Mouffe, Chapter 8 in<br />
this volume) on European soil:<br />
Compared to the brutality <strong>of</strong> religious and factional wars, which by nature<br />
are wars <strong>of</strong> annihilation wherein the enemy is treated as a criminal and a<br />
pirate, and compared to colonial wars, which are pursued against ‘wild’<br />
peoples, European ‘war in form’ signified the strongest possible rationalization<br />
and humanization <strong>of</strong> war.<br />
(<strong>Schmitt</strong> 2003: 142)