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The International Political Thought of Carl Schmitt: Terror, Liberal ...

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10 Against world unity<br />

<strong>Carl</strong> <strong>Schmitt</strong> and the Western-centric<br />

and liberal global order<br />

Fabio Petito<br />

In this age <strong>of</strong> globalization and cosmopolitan thinking, <strong>International</strong> Relations<br />

and Legal and <strong>Political</strong> <strong>The</strong>ory seem, in one way or another, all to point to the<br />

moral and political necessity <strong>of</strong> some sort <strong>of</strong> world political unification: as a way<br />

to govern globalization, to democratize international politics, to avoid conflicts,<br />

to prevent massive violations <strong>of</strong> human rights, and to prosecute crimes against<br />

humanity. In a more specific way, the idea <strong>of</strong> ‘world unity’ works as a kind <strong>of</strong><br />

positive taken-for-granted utopia in many <strong>of</strong> the normative discourses on international<br />

politics: the end-point, perhaps unrealistic, but still capable <strong>of</strong> orienting<br />

the construction <strong>of</strong> a just world order, something close to what Stephen Toulmin<br />

aptly called ‘the hidden agenda <strong>of</strong> modernity’ (1990; cf. also Zolo 1997). In other<br />

words, the implicit utopia <strong>of</strong> a cosmopolis helps to frame both the passionate<br />

words <strong>of</strong> Ulrich Beck, for whom the twenty-first century is urging a new<br />

‘cosmopolitan vision’ (2006), and the policy-oriented suggestions <strong>of</strong> the supporters<br />

<strong>of</strong> a global democratic governance (Commission on Global Governance<br />

1995; cf. Aksu and Camilleri 2002). This cosmopolis has even found unexpected<br />

resonance in the social-scientific analytical reasoning (and, as such, arguably<br />

more revealing) <strong>of</strong> leading IR theorist Alexander Wendt who, in a recent contribution,<br />

argued that a world state is, in the long run, inevitable (2003).<br />

Against this harmonious chorus, the apocalyptic warnings <strong>of</strong> <strong>Carl</strong> <strong>Schmitt</strong>,<br />

who throughout his life saw a unified world as the reign <strong>of</strong> the Antichrist, are a<br />

disturbing but beneficial dissonance for they allow us to highlight the implicit<br />

problematic assumptions and political dangers <strong>of</strong> this dominant view. This is<br />

even more urgent in the present moment <strong>of</strong> world politics when we see<br />

the apparently paradoxical convergence <strong>of</strong> unilateral-militarist and liberalhumanitarian<br />

themes that immediately remind us <strong>of</strong> <strong>Schmitt</strong>’s powerful indictment,<br />

‘whoever invokes humanity wants to cheat’ (1996a: 54), as well as <strong>of</strong> his<br />

perceptive remarks on the two-sided political nature <strong>of</strong> the concept <strong>of</strong> humanity,<br />

whereby the fight in the name <strong>of</strong> humanity implies the denial to the enemy <strong>of</strong> the<br />

very quality <strong>of</strong> being human (2003a: 103–104). But let us proceed gradually: in<br />

the first part <strong>of</strong> this chapter, focusing on <strong>Schmitt</strong>’s post-Second World War writings<br />

on world order, I critically discuss <strong>Schmitt</strong>’s speculations on the possible<br />

configurations <strong>of</strong> a ‘new nomos <strong>of</strong> the earth’ emerging from the ashes <strong>of</strong> the<br />

traditional Eurocentric order <strong>of</strong> international law, the jus publicum Europaeum;

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