The International Political Thought of Carl Schmitt: Terror, Liberal ...
The International Political Thought of Carl Schmitt: Terror, Liberal ...
The International Political Thought of Carl Schmitt: Terror, Liberal ...
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9 <strong>The</strong> re-emerging notion <strong>of</strong> Empire<br />
and the influence <strong>of</strong> <strong>Carl</strong><br />
<strong>Schmitt</strong>’s thought<br />
Danilo Zolo<br />
<strong>The</strong> reemerging notion <strong>of</strong> empire<br />
In this chapter I intend to present a critical analysis <strong>of</strong> the contemporary use <strong>of</strong><br />
the notion <strong>of</strong> ‘empire’. I also propose, on the basis <strong>of</strong> <strong>Carl</strong> <strong>Schmitt</strong>’s philosophy<br />
<strong>of</strong> international law, a specific use <strong>of</strong> the notion <strong>of</strong> ‘empire’ to denote the United<br />
States’ global hegemony as ‘imperial’.<br />
<strong>The</strong> revival <strong>of</strong> the notion <strong>of</strong> ‘empire’ within Western political theory is in my<br />
view evidence <strong>of</strong> the present pr<strong>of</strong>ound transformation <strong>of</strong> international arrangements.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is an evolutionary crisis <strong>of</strong> the nation-state that is leading to the<br />
erosion or alteration <strong>of</strong> some <strong>of</strong> its traditional functions, as well as to its taking<br />
on new significant tasks. At the same time, we are witnessing a phenomenon <strong>of</strong><br />
dislocation and concentration <strong>of</strong> a large part <strong>of</strong> states’ sovereign powers in<br />
favour <strong>of</strong> new international actors: military, political, economic and communicative.<br />
Among these subjects there are a few ‘great powers’, first <strong>of</strong> all the United<br />
States <strong>of</strong> America, which obtain increasing advantages – as great powers, not as<br />
nation-states – through the systemic mechanisms <strong>of</strong> distribution <strong>of</strong> power and<br />
wealth. <strong>The</strong>se mechanisms are scarcely affected by the formal prerogatives <strong>of</strong><br />
state sovereignty.<br />
<strong>The</strong>se phenomena – paralleling the increasing integration <strong>of</strong> international<br />
factors that is being called ‘globalisation’ (Zolo 2004a) – were accelerated in the<br />
late twentieth century after the end <strong>of</strong> the Cold War, the demise <strong>of</strong> the bi-polar<br />
world order, the collapse <strong>of</strong> the Soviet Union and the emergence <strong>of</strong> the United<br />
States as the only world superpower. And they were further accelerated after 11<br />
September 2001 and the US-led wars against Afghanistan and Iraq.<br />
A methodological caution<br />
I think a methodological caution is required about the overall meaning <strong>of</strong> the<br />
term ‘empire’ in its current use within Western political culture. In this lexical<br />
context the term ‘empire’ takes on a semantic value and a symbolic scope that<br />
tend to crystallise in a real paradigm. Besides individual variations, this imperial<br />
paradigm points to a political form with three morphological and functional<br />
features.