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Colonialism and Neocolonialism 58<br />
train the other day: ‘Me, I don’t give a damn about Algeria, and I don’t like colonization<br />
either. But it’s our heritage. And you have to hold on to your heritage, even if it doesn’t<br />
pay.’<br />
So these people are going to vote for the efficient man, for the man who must and can<br />
solve all our problems. But they do not even know what they would like him to do.<br />
Perhaps they are hoping for the most radical solution. Independence, for example.<br />
They would be a little scandalized but, deep down, delighted that he was forcing their<br />
hand: ‘Since everything that comes from him is sacred, independence, the very idea of<br />
which used to seem a sacrilege to me, is the fairest and most French of solutions.’ Is there<br />
not an exact resemblance between them and the people of the system: all, or nearly all,<br />
deputies wanted peace and voted for war.<br />
And I am beginning to wonder whether these Gaullist republicans are responsible for<br />
the fallen Assembly which they detest.<br />
On the streets you could hear the Biaggistes or Le Pen’s guys. They talked loudly, they<br />
shouted: ‘French Algeria!’ But how many of us shouted: ‘Peace in Algeria’? Deputies are<br />
fascinated by numbers: it is an odd habit of elected representatives.<br />
You who criticize them today for having being unable either to make peace or win the<br />
war, why did you not go and shout outside their windows: ‘Negotiate!’; why did you not<br />
protest against the torture, against the summary judgements, the punitive expeditions, the<br />
disappearances, the camps? Those who will vote for de Gaulle are disgusted by, and want<br />
to escape from, their own paralysis, their own faint-heartedness. And furthermore, there<br />
were, in the Assembly, men who wanted peace and said so out loud. If we had supported<br />
them, all of us, instead of becoming entangled in our contradictions …<br />
I also observe that the apolitical will vote for de Gaulle: the same people, perhaps, who<br />
abstained at the last elections. Among them you find indifferent, middle-of-the-road<br />
people, without passion, who just want peace and quiet. But there are other people who<br />
you can’t think about without shame.<br />
Following an article where I explained why I will be voting ‘no’, a woman reader<br />
wrote to tell me she would be voting ‘yes’, although she appeared to agree with me on<br />
most issues: ‘Yes means ups and downs, but life will go on; no means an adventure.’<br />
That is the crime – not of the Fourth Republic, but of our middle classes for the last<br />
150 years: there have been second-class citizens without hope, and for so long that they<br />
think of themselves as such. They have so few rights, so little influence, they carry so<br />
little weight in the world that political upheavals do not affect them.<br />
My correspondent thinks she has nothing to gain from the collapse of the Republic, but<br />
nothing to lose either. They will take away her civil liberties, they will whittle away her<br />
union rights perhaps, they will leave her only the right to stay silent. What does it matter?<br />
She is voting for dictatorship. That proves that she was already silent, that she has always<br />
been silent or that no one listened to her. No one. Ever.<br />
If millions today are indifferent towards the Referendum, if they do not care about the<br />
respective powers of the President and the legislative body, it is our fault because we<br />
have never managed to make them understand that they affected other people simply by<br />
placing their vote in the ballot-box and that a citizen’s political activity is the most<br />
complete affirmation of his or her liberty. It is also because they do not count and have<br />
never counted for anything, and have made do with the life meted out to them as best