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The Frogs Who Demand a King* 55 adversary. Since the loss of Indo-China, in a word, it has had to choose between the barracks and Algeria. It has made its choice: over there, it has found the elusive civilian, the European of Algiers, its civilian; the symbiosis of the fellagha and the Muslim population has found its equivalent in that of the French Army and the European population. Political out of necessity – because war is both military and political – the Army ends up, with the help of the colonists, creating a doctrine for itself: in this revolutionary struggle, it was counter-revolutionary out of duty. Then, as often happens, it gets carried away, and in order to fight its adversary on equal terms, it calls its counterrevolution a revolution. It has little interest in taking power itself and would be happy to rule via intermediaries. All it wants is to keep its bone: French Algeria. Once again, it prolongs what it senses is a hopeless war as much to avenge its undeserved defeats as to put off the moment of what it believed would be its annihilation. Not that it wishes to wage war indefinitely. It believed in integration. It can conceive of a new role for the soldier: the pioneer of the Empire, now fighting, now lending a helping hand to the peasant to gather in the harvest. And now – who knows? – indoctrinating the villagers in the good cause. But whether it maintains the renewed peace or makes war, the Army – if it is to be believed – will never leave Algeria, its ultimate justification, its interest as a corps. For almost five years, the Army has weighed heavily on the government of mainland France, and has become each day more threatening. It has joined forces with the colons – whose interests are too obvious and whose methods of exerting pressure are too familiar for me to rehearse them here – and their joint actions confer omnipotence on them. And yet the new War Lords remain sombre: for an officer, no political success is ever equal to a military victory. Since 1939, except when Leclerc’s division returned from Africa to Paris, victory has never materialized. Deep down within these colonels lurks the defeatism, the vertigo of failure that lies at the root of all fascism. So you see: there is nothing more misleading than these tales about the system, an ungovernable Assembly, etc. The executive is in fact in Algiers; it is composed of civilians and soldiers, and decides about France on the basis of Algeria. Until 13 May last, we were granted a sort of autonomy in matters relating exclusively to mainland France. Today, even that autonomy is being challenged. And the Army – almost totally absorbed by the war and, moreover, divided – can probably do very little. But even though its means are limited, it at least remains the only coherent and organized force. What was needed was a united Left: nothing more. That was asking too much. In dividing the workers’ parties by a barrier of hate and fire, the same reasons that launched us furiously into the colonial adventure – the power blocs, the Cold War – took away from us the means of getting out of it. The USSR, the USA, the Bandung nations: it is rising everywhere at once – East, South and West – that gale which, for twelve years, has been raging across France. Just when the colonized peoples were demanding their freedom, the Cold War fragmented the only government that could have granted it to them. That is the whole story: a situation that just keeps getting worse – whether it is Indo- China or Algeria – and an impotent government terrorized by the colonists, communists and soldiers, which constantly procrastinates and puts off decisions from one day to the next until they are forced upon it by circumstances.

Colonialism and Neocolonialism 56 An exhausted, humiliated country, undermined by dissent, which, disgraced and sulking, sinks deeper into hopeless wars and degrades itself a little more each day by selling its sovereignty and then laying the sheaf of its freedoms at the jackbooted feet of the military. A paralysed country that is drowning in dreams and resentment. An arrested country with an outmoded economy that had to wait until 1949 to renew its equipment and then did so haphazardly without giving much thought to the markets which would absorb its excess production. A stratified country, numb with mistrust and gloom, which constantly repeated, not without self-conceit: ‘I have a date with History!’ and which has realized that History had stood it up. The Assembly? Pooh! It is made in the country’s image. If you want to change the Assembly, then change the country first. And of course we can change the latter; all of us, by getting at the root of its problems: for we are the country. Understand that the greatness of a nation is not measured by the quantity of blood it causes to flow, but by the number of human problems it solves; stop the hostilities immediately, negotiate, reconsider the question of the associated colonies with their representatives; win back our lost sovereignty and work towards the break-up of the blocs, i.e. for peace; bring together all men of the left and reunite them on a jointly agreed programme; stop the currency haemorrhage by giving France an economy which complements the other European economies, encourage major industries to increase their productivity, fight in every possible way to ensure that the increase of so much production benefits the workers first and foremost, and – via the demographic movement occasioned by economic restructuring – break through the strata that separate groups and drive them into inert antagonisms; balance the redundancies that the rise in productivity might bring by a programme of re-skilling, then, by a series of classifications and reclassifications, reduce or even remove the conflicts of interest which divide the working class; develop scientific, literary, artistic and political culture in the most underprivileged social classes, etc., set up agricultural education, particularly in the Centre and South of France, increase agricultural productivity in those regions by encouraging agricultural communities, where the terrain permits, collectively to acquire motorized machinery etc. In ten years, the face of France will no longer be the same: the tertiary sector, bloated today, will deflate, the primary sector will reduce by a third, the secondary sector will be more homogeneous and its standard of living higher. If we did that ourselves and if we did it within ten years, we would perhaps be entitled to say without too much vanity that France is a great country. But if I am quickly sketching out the main lines of a programme, it is not to propose it today. It is to ask of the republicans who will cast their vote for de Gaulle on Sunday: is that the reason you are going to vote for him? Are you going to demand from him housing, tractors, schools, a reorganization of the economy, an alliance pact with the overseas nations? I already know that the answer is no. So why should you expect from him what he has never promised? Why should you claim you are voting for a programme when you are actually voting for the man himself? You will reply that this man is capable in three years of carrying out more projects, and more ambitious ones, than the Fourth Republic has done in thirteen. I would believe you if I had the slightest proof. But your candidate is more famous for the noble stubbornness

Colonialism and Neocolonialism 56<br />

An exhausted, humiliated country, undermined by dissent, which, disgraced and<br />

sulking, sinks deeper into hopeless wars and degrades itself a little more each day by<br />

selling its sovereignty and then laying the sheaf of its freedoms at the jackbooted feet of<br />

the military.<br />

A paralysed country that is drowning in dreams and resentment. An arrested country<br />

with an outmoded economy that had to wait until 1949 to renew its equipment and then<br />

did so haphazardly without giving much thought to the markets which would absorb its<br />

excess production. A stratified country, numb with mistrust and gloom, which constantly<br />

repeated, not without self-conceit: ‘I have a date with History!’ and which has realized<br />

that History had stood it up.<br />

The Assembly? Pooh! It is made in the country’s image. If you want to change the<br />

Assembly, then change the country first. And of course we can change the latter; all of<br />

us, by getting at the root of its problems: for we are the country.<br />

Understand that the greatness of a nation is not measured by the quantity of blood it<br />

causes to flow, but by the number of human problems it solves; stop the hostilities<br />

immediately, negotiate, reconsider the question of the associated colonies with their<br />

representatives; win back our lost sovereignty and work towards the break-up of the<br />

blocs, i.e. for peace; bring together all men of the left and reunite them on a jointly agreed<br />

programme; stop the currency haemorrhage by giving France an economy which<br />

complements the other European economies, encourage major industries to increase their<br />

productivity, fight in every possible way to ensure that the increase of so much<br />

production benefits the workers first and foremost, and – via the demographic movement<br />

occasioned by economic restructuring – break through the strata that separate groups and<br />

drive them into inert antagonisms; balance the redundancies that the rise in productivity<br />

might bring by a programme of re-skilling, then, by a series of classifications and reclassifications,<br />

reduce or even remove the conflicts of interest which divide the working<br />

class; develop scientific, literary, artistic and political culture in the most underprivileged<br />

social classes, etc., set up agricultural education, particularly in the Centre and South of<br />

France, increase agricultural productivity in those regions by encouraging agricultural<br />

communities, where the terrain permits, collectively to acquire motorized machinery etc.<br />

In ten years, the face of France will no longer be the same: the tertiary sector, bloated<br />

today, will deflate, the primary sector will reduce by a third, the secondary sector will be<br />

more homogeneous and its standard of living higher. If we did that ourselves and if we<br />

did it within ten years, we would perhaps be entitled to say without too much vanity that<br />

France is a great country.<br />

But if I am quickly sketching out the main lines of a programme, it is not to propose it<br />

today. It is to ask of the republicans who will cast their vote for de Gaulle on Sunday: is<br />

that the reason you are going to vote for him? Are you going to demand from him<br />

housing, tractors, schools, a reorganization of the economy, an alliance pact with the<br />

overseas nations? I already know that the answer is no.<br />

So why should you expect from him what he has never promised? Why should you<br />

claim you are voting for a programme when you are actually voting for the man himself?<br />

You will reply that this man is capable in three years of carrying out more projects, and<br />

more ambitious ones, than the Fourth Republic has done in thirteen. I would believe you<br />

if I had the slightest proof. But your candidate is more famous for the noble stubbornness

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