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Albert Memmi’s 21 idealism: but in fact, it is all there. One might argue a little, however, over the order chosen. It would perhaps have been better to show the colonialist and his victim similarly strangled by the colonial apparatus, that heavy machine, constructed at the end of the Second Empire, under the Third Republic, and which, after giving complete satisfaction to the colonizers, is turning against them and could very well crush them. In fact, racism is inscribed in the system: the colony sells foodstuffs and raw materials cheaply, it buys manufactured products at very high prices from France. This strange trade is only beneficial for both parties if the natives work for nothing, or next to nothing. The agricultural sub-proletariat cannot even count upon an alliance with the least privileged Europeans. They all live off it, including the ‘petits colons’ that the big landowners exploit but who, compared to the Algerians, are still privileged: the average income of the French in Algeria is ten times that of the Muslims. That is where the tension stems from. For wages and living costs to be as low as possible there needs to be fierce competition among the native workers, so the birthrate needs to increase; but as the country’s resources are limited by colonial usurpation, for the same wages, the Muslims’ standard of living constantly falls, the population lives in a perpetual state of under-nourishment. Conquest was achieved by violence; over-exploitation and oppression demand the maintenance of violence, which entails the presence of the Army. There would be no contradiction there if terror reigned everywhere on earth; but back in France, the colonist enjoys democratic rights that the colonial system denies the colonized. It is the system, in effect, that encourages the rise in population to reduce the cost of labour, and it is the system again that prohibits the assimilation of the natives. If they had the right to vote, their numerical superiority would make everything explode immediately. Colonialism denies human rights to people it has subjugated by violence, and whom it keeps in poverty and ignorance by force, therefore, as Marx would say, in a state of ‘subhumanity’. Racism is inscribed in the events themselves, in the institutions, in the nature of the exchanges and the production. The political and social statuses reinforce one another: since the natives are sub-human, the Declaration of Human Rights does not apply to them; conversely, since they have no rights, they are abandoned without protection to the inhuman forces of nature, to the ‘iron laws’ of economics. Racism is already there, carried by the praxis of colonialism, engendered at every instant by the colonial apparatus, sustained by those relationships of production which define two sorts of individuals: for some, privilege and humanity are one and the same thing; they assert their humanity through the free exercise of their rights; for the others, the absence of rights sanctions their poverty, their chronic hunger, their ignorance, in short their subhumanity. I have always thought that ideas take shape in things and that they are already in man when he awakens them and expresses them to explain his situation to himself. The ‘conservatism’ of the colonist, his ‘racism’, the ambiguous relationship with mainland France, all of these things are already given, before he resuscitates them in the ‘Nero Complex’. Memmi would reply to me no doubt that he is not saying anything different: I know that; 1 furthermore, it is perhaps he who is right: by presenting his ideas in the order of their discovery, that is to say starting from human intentions and real-life relationships, he guarantees the authenticity of his experience: he suffered first in his relations with others, in his relations with himself; he encountered the objective structure in going more
Colonialism and Neocolonialism 22 deeply into the contradiction that was tearing him apart; and he presents them to us just as they are: raw, still permeated with his subjectivity. But let us leave these quibbles aside. The work establishes some solid truths. First of all that there are neither good nor bad colonists: there are colonialists. Some among them reject their objective reality: carried along by the colonial apparatus, they do each day, in deed, what they condemn in their dreams, and each of their acts contributes to maintaining oppression. They will change nothing, be of no use to anyone, and find their moral comfort in their malaise, that is all. The others – and they are the majority – sooner or later accept themselves as they are. Memmi has provided a remarkable description of the sequence of steps which leads them to ‘self-absolution’. Conservatism engenders the selection of mediocre people. How can this elite of usurpers, conscious of their mediocrity, justify their privileges? Only one way: diminish the colonized in order to exult themselves, deny the status of human beings to the natives, and deprive them of basic rights. That will not be difficult as, precisely, the system deprives them of everything; colonialist practice has engraved the colonial idea 1 Does he not write: ‘The colonial situation manufactures colonists as it manufactures colonies’? (p. 77) The only difference between us is perhaps that he sees a situation where I see a system. on things themselves; it is the movement of things which designates both the colonist and the colonized. Thus oppression justifies itself: the oppressors produce and maintain by force the evils which, in their eyes, make the oppressed resemble more and more what they would need to be in order to deserve their fate. The colonist can absolve himself only by systematically pursuing the ‘dehumanization’ of the colonized, that is by identifying a little more each day with the colonial apparatus. Terror and exploitation dehumanize, and the exploiter uses this dehumanization to justify further exploitation. The machine runs smoothly; impossible to distinguish between idea and praxis, and between the latter and objective necessity. These moments of colonialism sometimes influence one another and sometimes blend. Oppression is, first of all, hatred of the oppressor towards the oppressed. Only one limit to this enterprise of extermination: colonialism itself. It is here that the colonists meet their own contradiction: along with the colonized, colonization, the colonizers included, would disappear. No more underclass, no more exploitation: they would fall back into the normal forms of capitalist exploitation, wages and prices would come into line with those in France; it would mean ruin. The system wants the death and the multiplication of its victims at the same time; any transformation will be fatal to it: whether the natives are assimilated or massacred, labour costs will rise constantly. The heavy machine keeps those who are compelled to turn it between life and death – always closer to death than to life; a petrified ideology applies itself to considering men as animals that talk. In vain: in order to give them orders, even the harshest, the most insulting, you have to begin by acknowledging them; and as they cannot be watched over constantly, you have to resolve to trust them. Nobody can treat a man ‘like a dog’ if he does not first consider him as a man. The impossible dehumanization of the oppressed turns against the oppressors and becomes their alienation. It is the oppressors themselves who, by their slightest gesture, resuscitate the
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Colonialism and Neocolonialism 22<br />
deeply into the contradiction that was tearing him apart; and he presents them to us just as<br />
they are: raw, still permeated with his subjectivity.<br />
But let us leave these quibbles aside. The work establishes some solid truths. First of<br />
all that there are neither good nor bad colonists: there are colonialists. Some among them<br />
reject their objective reality: carried along by the colonial apparatus, they do each day, in<br />
deed, what they condemn in their dreams, and each of their acts contributes to<br />
maintaining oppression. They will change nothing, be of no use to anyone, and find their<br />
moral comfort in their malaise, that is all.<br />
The others – and they are the majority – sooner or later accept themselves as they are.<br />
Memmi has provided a remarkable description of the sequence of steps which leads<br />
them to ‘self-absolution’. Conservatism engenders the selection of mediocre people. How<br />
can this elite of usurpers, conscious of their mediocrity, justify their privileges? Only one<br />
way: diminish the colonized in order to exult themselves, deny the status of human<br />
beings to the natives, and deprive them of basic rights. That will not be difficult as,<br />
precisely, the system deprives them of everything; colonialist practice has engraved the<br />
colonial idea<br />
1 Does he not write: ‘The colonial situation manufactures colonists as it manufactures colonies’?<br />
(p. 77) The only difference between us is perhaps that he sees a situation where I see a system.<br />
on things themselves; it is the movement of things which designates both the colonist and<br />
the colonized. Thus oppression justifies itself: the oppressors produce and maintain by<br />
force the evils which, in their eyes, make the oppressed resemble more and more what<br />
they would need to be in order to deserve their fate. The colonist can absolve himself<br />
only by systematically pursuing the ‘dehumanization’ of the colonized, that is by<br />
identifying a little more each day with the colonial apparatus. Terror and exploitation<br />
dehumanize, and the exploiter uses this dehumanization to justify further exploitation.<br />
The machine runs smoothly; impossible to distinguish between idea and praxis, and<br />
between the latter and objective necessity. These moments of colonialism sometimes<br />
influence one another and sometimes blend. Oppression is, first of all, hatred of the<br />
oppressor towards the oppressed. Only one limit to this enterprise of extermination:<br />
colonialism itself. It is here that the colonists meet their own contradiction: along with the<br />
colonized, colonization, the colonizers included, would disappear. No more underclass,<br />
no more exploitation: they would fall back into the normal forms of capitalist<br />
exploitation, wages and prices would come into line with those in France; it would mean<br />
ruin. The system wants the death and the multiplication of its victims at the same time;<br />
any transformation will be fatal to it: whether the natives are assimilated or massacred,<br />
labour costs will rise constantly. The heavy machine keeps those who are compelled to<br />
turn it between life and death – always closer to death than to life; a petrified ideology<br />
applies itself to considering men as animals that talk. In vain: in order to give them<br />
orders, even the harshest, the most insulting, you have to begin by acknowledging them;<br />
and as they cannot be watched over constantly, you have to resolve to trust them. Nobody<br />
can treat a man ‘like a dog’ if he does not first consider him as a man. The impossible<br />
dehumanization of the oppressed turns against the oppressors and becomes their<br />
alienation. It is the oppressors themselves who, by their slightest gesture, resuscitate the