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Colonialism is a System * I would like to put you on your guard against what might be called ‘neocolonialist mystification’. Neocolonialists think that there are some good colonists and some very wicked ones, and that it is the fault of the latter that the situation of the colonies has deteriorated. This mystification consists of the following: you are taken around Algeria, you are obligingly shown the extreme poverty of the people, which is dreadful, you are told about the humiliation the Muslims suffer at the hands of the wicked colonists. And then, when you are really outraged, they add: ‘that is why the best Algerians have taken up arms; they couldn’t take any more.’ If they go about this in the right way, you will return home convinced: First, that the Algerian problem is first of all economic. It is a question of providing, by means of judicious reforms, food for nine million people. Second, next, that the problem is social: the numbers of schools and doctors must be greatly increased. Third, that the problem is, finally, psychological: you remember De Man and his ‘inferiority complex’ of the working class. He had * Les Temps Modernes, No. 123, March–April 1956. Speech made at a rally ‘for peace in Algeria’. discovered at the same time the key to the ‘native character’: maltreated, malnourished, illiterate, the Algerian has an inferiority complex with regard to his masters. It is by acting upon these three factors that he will be reassured: if he eats enough to satisfy his hunger, if he has work and can read, he will no longer suffer the shame of being a subhuman and we will rediscover that old Franco-Muslim fraternity. But above all let us not bring politics into this. Politics is abstract: what is the use of voting if you are dying of hunger? Those who come and talk to us about free elections, about a Constituent Assembly, about Algerian independence, are agitators or troublemakers who only cloud the issue. That is the argument. To that the leaders of the FLN have replied: ‘even if we were happy under French bayonets, we would fight’. They are right. And indeed one must go further than them: under French bayonets, they can only be unhappy. It is true that the majority of the Algerians live in intolerable poverty; but it is also true that the necessary reforms can be implemented neither by the good colonists nor by France herself, as long as she intends to maintain her sovereignty in Algeria. These reforms will be the business of the Algerian people themselves, when they have won their freedom. The fact is that colonization is neither a series of chance occurrences nor the statistical result of thousands of individual undertakings. It is a system which was put in place around the middle of the nineteenth century, began to bear fruit in about 1880, started to decline after the First World War, and is today turning against the colonizing nation.
Colonialism and Neocolonialism 10 That is what I would like to show you about Algeria, which is, alas, the clearest and most legible example of the colonial system. I would like to show you the rigour of the colonial system, its internal necessity, how it was bound to lead us exactly where we are now, and how the purest of intentions, if conceived within this infernal circle, is corrupted at once. For it is not true that there are some good colons 1 and others who are wicked. There are colons and that is it. When we have understood that, we will understand why the Algerians are right to attack, first of all politically, this economic, social and political system and why their liberation, and also that of France, can only be achieved through the shattering of colonization. The system did not put itself in place on its own. In truth neither the July monarchy nor the Second Republic really knew what to do with conquered Algeria. They thought about turning it into a settlement colony. Bugeaud conceived of a ‘Roman style’ colonization. Huge estates would have been given to the demobilized soldiers of the Army in Africa. His proposal was not taken up. They wanted to channel to Africa the overflow of the European countries, the poorest peasants of France and Spain; for this ‘rabble’ a few villages were created around Algiers, Constantine and Oran. Most of them were decimated by disease. After 1848 they tried to settle – it would be better to say ‘add’ – unemployed workers whose presence worried the ‘forces of law and order’. Out of 20,000 labourers transported to Algeria, the majority perished from fever and cholera; the survivors managed to get themselves repatriated. In this form the colonial enterprise remained hesitant. It took more definite shape during the Second Empire, as a result of industrial and commercial expansion. One after the other, the great colonial companies were created: 1863: Société de Crédit Foncier et de Banque (Banking and Land Credit Society); 1865: Société Marseillaise de Crédit (Marseilles Credit Society); 1 Note: I do not consider as colonists either the minor public officials or the European workers who are at the same time innocent victims and beneficiaries of the system. Compagnie des Minerais de fer de Mokta (Mokta Iron Ore Company); Société Générale des Transports maritimes à vapeur (General Maritime Steam Transport Society). This time it was capitalism itself that became colonialist. Jules Ferry would become the theoretician of this new colonialism: It is in the interest of France, which has always been awash with capital and has exported it to foreign countries in considerable quantities, to consider the colonial question from this angle. For countries like ours which, by the very nature of their industry, are destined to be great exporters, this question is
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Colonialism is a System *<br />
I would like to put you on your guard against what might be called ‘neocolonialist<br />
mystification’.<br />
Neocolonialists think that there are some good colonists and some very wicked ones,<br />
and that it is the fault of the latter that the situation of the colonies has deteriorated.<br />
This mystification consists of the following: you are taken around Algeria, you are<br />
obligingly shown the extreme poverty of the people, which is dreadful, you are told about<br />
the humiliation the Muslims suffer at the hands of the wicked colonists. And then, when<br />
you are really outraged, they add: ‘that is why the best Algerians have taken up arms;<br />
they couldn’t take any more.’ If they go about this in the right way, you will return home<br />
convinced:<br />
First, that the Algerian problem is first of all economic. It is a question of providing, by<br />
means of judicious reforms, food for nine million people.<br />
Second, next, that the problem is social: the numbers of schools and doctors must be<br />
greatly increased.<br />
Third, that the problem is, finally, psychological: you remember De Man and his<br />
‘inferiority complex’ of the working class. He had<br />
* Les Temps Modernes, No. 123, March–April 1956. Speech made at a rally ‘for peace in Algeria’.<br />
discovered at the same time the key to the ‘native character’: maltreated, malnourished,<br />
illiterate, the Algerian has an inferiority complex with regard to his masters. It is by<br />
acting upon these three factors that he will be reassured: if he eats enough to satisfy his<br />
hunger, if he has work and can read, he will no longer suffer the shame of being a subhuman<br />
and we will rediscover that old Franco-Muslim fraternity.<br />
But above all let us not bring politics into this. Politics is abstract: what is the use of<br />
voting if you are dying of hunger? Those who come and talk to us about free elections,<br />
about a Constituent Assembly, about Algerian independence, are agitators or<br />
troublemakers who only cloud the issue.<br />
That is the argument. To that the leaders of the FLN have replied: ‘even if we were<br />
happy under French bayonets, we would fight’. They are right. And indeed one must go<br />
further than them: under French bayonets, they can only be unhappy. It is true that the<br />
majority of the Algerians live in intolerable poverty; but it is also true that the necessary<br />
reforms can be implemented neither by the good colonists nor by France herself, as long<br />
as she intends to maintain her sovereignty in Algeria. These reforms will be the business<br />
of the Algerian people themselves, when they have won their freedom.<br />
The fact is that colonization is neither a series of chance occurrences nor the statistical<br />
result of thousands of individual undertakings. It is a system which was put in place<br />
around the middle of the nineteenth century, began to bear fruit in about 1880, started to<br />
decline after the First World War, and is today turning against the colonizing nation.