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was the outcome of a new configuration in the French intellectual field: the decline of social sciences gave rise to structuralism as a new science, which questioned the validity of existential humanism as the philosophy of the subject. Even though he subscribed to the ethics and politics of Sartreanism, Roland Barthes was to detach himself from Sartre after the publication of Mythologies. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, he played a key role in promoting structuralism. With the effacement of ‘humanism’ as the subject of critical investigation, this new science studied formal rules, codes and structures. To quote Bernard Pingaud: ‘We can no longer talk about consciousness or about the subject, but about rules, about codes, about systems. We do not say anymore that man makes sense, but that meaning constructs man. We are no longer existentialist, but structuralist’. 36 Althusser attempted to re-think Marxism in scientific, i.e. structuralist, terms by removing it from the clutches of humanism. Foucault perceived existential humanism as the medievalism of our age; he dismissed Sartre as a nineteenth-century thinker. Lévi- Strauss levelled the charge of ethnocentrism against Sartre, because he defined Man in dialectical terms that restrict history to the West as a historical community; the rest of humanity is excluded from this historical totality. 37 It is true that Sartre attempted to humanize Marxism’s economism. 38 However, Sartre, in his preface to Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth, denounces the collusion of humanism with European colonialism. He writes: ‘Let us quit this Europe which talks incessantly about Man while massacring him wherever it meets him, on every corner of its own streets, in every corner of the world. For centuries … in the name of a supposed “spiritual adventure”, it has been suffocating almost the whole of humanity’ (this volume, p. 137). He reveals ‘the strip-tease of our humanism’ by exposing the ideology of the Enlightenment thus: ‘What empty chatter: liberty, equality, fraternity, love, honour, country and who knows what else? That did not prevent us from holding forth at the same time in racist language: filthy nigger, filthy Jew, filthy North Africans. Enlightened, liberal and sensitive souls – in short neocolonialists – claimed to be shocked by this inconsistency; that is an error or bad faith. Nothing is more consistent, among us, than racist humanism, since Europeans have only been able to make themselves human beings by creating slaves and monsters’ (this volume, p. 151). What Sartre announces in his preface is the breakdown of the project of the Enlightenment that served Europe’s colonial adventure and led to the over-exploitation and dehumanization of the colonized people. Young is right to point out:‘It was the recognition of this use of the human as a highly politicized category which led to the sustained critique of “Man” by a broad range of post-war thinkers in the movement known as “anti-humanism”.’ 39 No doubt this movement overshadowed Sartre’s contribution. To give a response to the question why he is eclipsed in the postcolonial agenda, one could argue that Sartre was perceived as the epitome of the very humanism that he condemns in his preface to The Wretched of the Earth. This movement announced the breakdown of grand narratives of legitimation and evoked in the 1950s what Derrida calls ‘the eschatological themes of the “end of history”, of “the end of Marxism”, of “the end of man”, of the “last man” and so forth’. 40 However, by jettisoning the notion of the ‘subject’ to focus on structures of power and signification, this movement eschewed the colonial problematic which was at the core of Sartre’s work. The fact that postcolonial studies flourished in Anglo-American circles is significant in this respect. Postcolonial France repressed its colonial past and the trauma

of the Algerian War. In this process of repression, one must seek not only the forgetting of Sartre but the symptom of the decentring of the subject. The Algerian War had an impact on political institutions of mainland France, and the process of decolonization influenced the cultural climate and intellectual life of postcolonial France. As Young succinctly puts it: ‘If so-called “so-called poststructuralism” is the product of a single historical moment, then that moment is probably not May 1968 but rather the Algerian War of Independence – no doubt itself both a symptom and a product. In this respect it is significant that Sartre, Althusser, Derrida and Lyotard, among others, were either born in Algeria or personally involved with the events of the war.’ 41 After its defeat and the German occupation during the Second World War, France lost its grandeur on the stage of international politics. In addition to the shame of collaboration, France, left chewing over its defeat, was liberated by the Allies who won the war, and it was hailed ‘as [a] victor out of kindness and tolerated as a poor relation among the Big Five’ (this volume, p. 101). The 1950s ushered in the age of consumerism and opened to the French the road to modernity. However, what emerges from Sartre’s commentaries is that France was caught in an impasse. The premises upon which French democracy was built were being sapped by the Algerian War; the Fourth Republic was in its death throes; French economic and political structures, shaped in the nineteenth century by a colonial ideology, were breaking down and in need of urgent reform; the political instability which led to the demise of the Third Republic came to dominate the life of the Fourth Republic; the French empire was crumbling. Contemporary French thinkers and philosophers experienced this tumultuous period of decolonization and the processes of modernization which ensued. One is tempted to argue that the debate surrounding the problem of modernity and postmodernity has less to do with the decentring of the Cartesian subject than with the political realities of postcolonial France. In the same vein, one could argue that the radical politics of this period gave rise to a heightened consciousness and produced a generation of thinkers and philosophers attentive to issues of power. Although they never represented a homogenous trend, the central issues which dominated their theorizing were power, discourse and subjectivity. What is pertinent to note is that these thinkers dealt with such issues at the level of theory and eschewed the politics of colonial and post-colonial France. Their engagement with politics was either purely theoretical or limited to philosophical exegesis. Sartre, here, offers insights into this politics. Notes 1 H. Cartier-Bresson and J. P. Sartre, D’une Chine à l’autre, Paris, Robert Delpire, 1954. 2 J. P. Sartre, Les Temps Modernes, 123, March–April 1956. 3 Sartre reviewed Albert Memmi’s book, Portrait du colonisé, précédé du portrait du colonisateur in Les Temps Modernes, 137–138, July-August 1957. This review reappeared as ‘Préface’ to the 1966 edition of Portrait du colonisé, précédé du portrait du colonisateur, published by J. J. Pauvert.

of the Algerian War. In this process of repression, one must seek not only the forgetting<br />

of Sartre but the symptom of the decentring of the subject.<br />

The Algerian War had an impact on political institutions of mainland France, and the<br />

process of decolonization influenced the cultural climate and intellectual life of<br />

postcolonial France. As Young succinctly puts it: ‘If so-called “so-called<br />

poststructuralism” is the product of a single historical moment, then that moment is<br />

probably not May 1968 but rather the Algerian War of Independence – no doubt itself<br />

both a symptom and a product. In this respect it is significant that Sartre, Althusser,<br />

Derrida and Lyotard, among others, were either born in Algeria or personally involved<br />

with the events of the war.’ 41<br />

After its defeat and the German occupation during the Second World War, France lost<br />

its grandeur on the stage of international politics. In addition to the shame of<br />

collaboration, France, left chewing over its defeat, was liberated by the Allies who won<br />

the war, and it was hailed ‘as [a] victor out of kindness and tolerated as a poor relation<br />

among the Big Five’ (this volume, p. 101). The 1950s ushered in the age of consumerism<br />

and opened to the French the road to modernity. However, what emerges from Sartre’s<br />

commentaries is that France was caught in an impasse. The premises upon which French<br />

democracy was built were being sapped by the Algerian War; the Fourth Republic was in<br />

its death throes; French economic and political structures, shaped in the nineteenth<br />

century by a colonial ideology, were breaking down and in need of urgent reform; the<br />

political instability which led to the demise of the Third Republic came to dominate the<br />

life of the Fourth Republic; the French empire was crumbling.<br />

Contemporary French thinkers and philosophers experienced this tumultuous period of<br />

decolonization and the processes of modernization which ensued. One is tempted to<br />

argue that the debate surrounding the problem of modernity and postmodernity has less to<br />

do with the decentring of the Cartesian subject than with the political realities of<br />

postcolonial France. In the same vein, one could argue that the radical politics of this<br />

period gave rise to a heightened consciousness and produced a generation of thinkers and<br />

philosophers attentive to issues of power. Although they never represented a homogenous<br />

trend, the central issues which dominated their theorizing were power, discourse and<br />

subjectivity. What is pertinent to note is that these thinkers dealt with such issues at the<br />

level of theory and eschewed the politics of colonial and post-colonial France. Their<br />

engagement with politics was either purely theoretical or limited to philosophical<br />

exegesis. Sartre, here, offers insights into this politics.<br />

Notes<br />

1 H. Cartier-Bresson and J. P. Sartre, D’une Chine à l’autre, Paris, Robert Delpire,<br />

1954.<br />

2 J. P. Sartre, Les Temps Modernes, 123, March–April 1956.<br />

3 Sartre reviewed Albert Memmi’s book, Portrait du colonisé, précédé du portrait du<br />

colonisateur in Les Temps Modernes, 137–138, July-August 1957. This review<br />

reappeared as ‘Préface’ to the 1966 edition of Portrait du colonisé, précédé du<br />

portrait du colonisateur, published by J. J. Pauvert.

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