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The Analysis of the Referendum* 71 of the cost of the war. And then, the right is not ready either. It has too many internal divisions to surmount. All fascisms were popular at the start because they gave people something, illusory though it may have been. In Germany, there was the defeat to wipe out and unemployment to combat. But the French people will not be mobilized by saying to them: ‘Our defeat in Algeria is intolerable. Let’s put at end to it! Let us kill all the Algerians. We shall double taxes and pursue the war.’ It is unthinkable. With fascism, the complicity of the masses is very important. A short-lived complicity, but one which, via fascist parties like the German SA, allows a permanent link to be established, between the masses and the dictator. There are activists, agitators who terrorize the masses, but who can at the same time pass on precious information to the top: ‘Careful, we must not push that line too hard, but instead move this way.’ There is no fascist party in France capable of playing that role. The kids from the 16th Arrondissement will not do it. For that, you need those who have emerged from the people, unemployed workers like those of Berlin, who took the Nazis’ side because they provided better soup than the communists. When I was there in 1934, many of the workers who had became Nazis had retained Marxist vocabulary without realizing it, and offered me a Marxist interpretation of Hitler’s supremacy. None of this exists in France. Moreover, French fascism or pseudo-fascism would constitute such an international danger that it would stand no chance of lasting. The first thing the Americans would think is that the inevitable repercussions among the people would bring victory to the Front Populaire and the communists. They would try to get rid of the fascist Government as quickly as possible before it was overturned by a groundswell from the people. It is even to be wished that they do not make our chances of a real democracy disappear. In any case, a test of strength is necessary because it is inscribed de facto in the situation. People resolve de facto situations by acts, not by recourse to prestige. If you like, we must fear what would happen if de Gaulle went, but with hope. And we must fear a little more what will happen if he stays, above all with a majority of ‘yes’ votes which would not force him to do anything or even increase his authority over the people who contest it. To vote ‘yes’ is to refuse to wake up, it is to preserve the dream. To vote ‘no’ is an awakening. It means: we are tired of having been mystified by this fellow for two years.
The Sleepwalkers * Yesterday evening, people gathered around the newspaper stands; the cold dispersed them quickly, but they had time to glance at the headlines, that was enough. One fellow said out loud: ‘It’s all over with Algeria. Whose turn is it now? France, Monsieur, has been fighting for 150 years.’ They listened to him without replying but without hostility: in everybody’s head there were strange thoughts, gleaming and confused. But above all, he had said: ‘It’s all over.’ The only thing they wanted to remember was that: it’s all over; it’s all over with Algeria. In local restaurants, radios abandoned their usual reserve, blared out: they listened to them without listening. People came in, apologized for being late and shook hands; they were told: ‘The cease-fire has been agreed.’ They sat down saying: ‘Yes, yes, I know.’ And then they talked about something else. All over Paris, walls had ears. OAS ears. And there again, no one wanted to shock anyone: after seven years of discretion, do you know what the neighbours think? The extremists were the only people talking openly. I heard two of them laughing with rage in a public place. The others, despite their affected indifference and silence, occasionally allowed themselves a vague smile of relief. Of relief, nothing more: that was what was striking in the streets of Paris yesterday. * Les Temps Modernes, No.191, April 1962. It must be said that joy is out of place: for seven years, France has been a mad dog dragging a saucepan tied to its tail, every day becoming a little more terrified at its own din. Today, no one is unaware that we have ruined, starved and massacred a nation of poor people to bring them to their knees. They remained standing. But at what a price! While the delegations were putting an end to the business, 2,400,000 Algerians remained in the slow death camps; we have killed more than a million of them. The land lies abandoned, the douars have been obliterated by bombing, the livestock – the peasants’ meagre wealth – has disappeared. After seven years, Algeria must start from scratch: first of all win the peace, then hang on with the greatest of difficulty to the poverty we have created: that will be our parting gift. We are no longer ignorant of anything, we know what we have done: in 1945, Parisians shouted for joy because they had been delivered from their suffering; today they have this taciturn relief because they are being freed of their crimes. No, not freed of their crimes – we know full well that the crimes we have committed will not fade so quickly – but of the obligation to commit any more. It was time, high time: for us too; you can be sure that our livestock has not diminished, and the standard of living has risen slightly. But in order to avoid the famous selling-off of our Empire, we have sold off France: in order to forge arms, we have cast our institutions into the fire; our freedoms and our guarantees, Democracy and Justice, everything has burnt; nothing remains. Simply ending the fighting is not enough to reclaim our wasted wealth: we too, I am afraid, in a different area, will have to start from scratch. But the Algerians
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The Sleepwalkers *<br />
Yesterday evening, people gathered around the newspaper stands; the cold dispersed<br />
them quickly, but they had time to glance at the headlines, that was enough. One fellow<br />
said out loud: ‘It’s all over with Algeria. Whose turn is it now? France, Monsieur, has<br />
been fighting for 150 years.’ They listened to him without replying but without hostility:<br />
in everybody’s head there were strange thoughts, gleaming and confused. But above all,<br />
he had said: ‘It’s all over.’ The only thing they wanted to remember was that: it’s all<br />
over; it’s all over with Algeria. In local restaurants, radios abandoned their usual reserve,<br />
blared out: they listened to them without listening. People came in, apologized for being<br />
late and shook hands; they were told: ‘The cease-fire has been agreed.’ They sat down<br />
saying: ‘Yes, yes, I know.’ And then they talked about something else. All over Paris,<br />
walls had ears. OAS ears. And there again, no one wanted to shock anyone: after seven<br />
years of discretion, do you know what the neighbours think? The extremists were the<br />
only people talking openly. I heard two of them laughing with rage in a public place. The<br />
others, despite their affected indifference and silence, occasionally allowed themselves a<br />
vague smile of relief. Of relief, nothing more: that was what was striking in the streets of<br />
Paris yesterday.<br />
* Les Temps Modernes, No.191, April 1962.<br />
It must be said that joy is out of place: for seven years, France has been a mad dog<br />
dragging a saucepan tied to its tail, every day becoming a little more terrified at its own<br />
din. Today, no one is unaware that we have ruined, starved and massacred a nation of<br />
poor people to bring them to their knees. They remained standing. But at what a price!<br />
While the delegations were putting an end to the business, 2,400,000 Algerians remained<br />
in the slow death camps; we have killed more than a million of them. The land lies<br />
abandoned, the douars have been obliterated by bombing, the livestock – the peasants’<br />
meagre wealth – has disappeared. After seven years, Algeria must start from scratch: first<br />
of all win the peace, then hang on with the greatest of difficulty to the poverty we have<br />
created: that will be our parting gift. We are no longer ignorant of anything, we know<br />
what we have done: in 1945, Parisians shouted for joy because they had been delivered<br />
from their suffering; today they have this taciturn relief because they are being freed of<br />
their crimes. No, not freed of their crimes – we know full well that the crimes we have<br />
committed will not fade so quickly – but of the obligation to commit any more. It was<br />
time, high time: for us too; you can be sure that our livestock has not diminished, and the<br />
standard of living has risen slightly. But in order to avoid the famous selling-off of our<br />
Empire, we have sold off France: in order to forge arms, we have cast our institutions into<br />
the fire; our freedoms and our guarantees, Democracy and Justice, everything has burnt;<br />
nothing remains. Simply ending the fighting is not enough to reclaim our wasted wealth:<br />
we too, I am afraid, in a different area, will have to start from scratch. But the Algerians