29.10.2013 Aufrufe

European Tax Law - JKU

European Tax Law - JKU

European Tax Law - JKU

MEHR ANZEIGEN
WENIGER ANZEIGEN

Sie wollen auch ein ePaper? Erhöhen Sie die Reichweite Ihrer Titel.

YUMPU macht aus Druck-PDFs automatisch weboptimierte ePaper, die Google liebt.

damental freedoms under the EC Treaty results in creating<br />

“new taxing rights” which did not exist before. This is<br />

indeed the inevitable consequence of using the technique<br />

of “fundamental rights” under the EC Treaty, but<br />

also under other international treaties and even under<br />

national constitutions.<br />

If we look at the legal consequences of the application of<br />

fundamental rights by national constitutional courts in<br />

national legal systems, we find that, on the basis of these<br />

fundamental rights, the constitutional courts have created<br />

rights to employment and access to professions,<br />

education and equal pay that did not exist before. In fact,<br />

in the area of non-discrimination or equal protection<br />

under the law, the national constitutional courts have<br />

used exactly the same technique as the ECJ by using<br />

their negative power to strike down national statutes and<br />

other regulations that excluded women or specific<br />

minority groups from access to professions, education,<br />

employment, medical care, etc. The major difference<br />

with the EU has been that the national legislature in<br />

most, but not all, cases has reacted very quickly to implement<br />

the constitutional court’s negative decisions in a<br />

positive way in the framework of national legislation. In<br />

creating these “rights”, including “taxing rights”, the ECJ<br />

has acted precisely in the same way as international<br />

courts and national supreme and constitutional courts<br />

have acted on the basis of similar legal texts.<br />

The argument that the ECJ has no legitimate basis to<br />

make such decisions because it was not elected is not<br />

valid because national constitutional courts are also not<br />

elected. The constitutional freedoms on which they<br />

based their decisions have, of course, been approved by<br />

democratically elected constitutional assemblies, but so<br />

has the EC Treaty been approved in special laws by all<br />

democratically elected national parliaments of all the<br />

Member States.<br />

The argument that no one could have envisaged on 25<br />

March 1957 at the signing of the Treaty of Rome the farreaching<br />

consequences for direct taxation of the fundamental<br />

freedoms is also not valid. This is clear when we<br />

apply the same reasoning outside the area of taxation.<br />

Most people could also not have envisaged the farreaching<br />

consequences for criminal law, family law or<br />

labour or educational law of some national constitutional<br />

and international treaty freedoms with respect to<br />

the rights of minority groups. This has not been a valid<br />

reason for rejecting the decisions of courts in creating or<br />

upholding these rights on the basis of international<br />

treaties or constitutional texts.<br />

This way of making tax laws is rather new. It is not the<br />

traditional way founded on the principle of “no taxation<br />

without representation”, which is strongly based on the<br />

principle of legality and the approval of detailed statutes<br />

in parliament. We should not overlook the fact, however,<br />

that in many other areas of law, including even criminal<br />

law, judge-made case law by the <strong>European</strong> Court of<br />

Human Rights has sometimes taken the place of the<br />

national legislature. In all these cases, it is because the<br />

legislature was unwilling to confront these new develop-<br />

Articles<br />

ments that judges have taken the driver’s seat. But their<br />

decisions are always based on treaty provisions that were<br />

democratically approved by national parliaments.<br />

3.3. In which direction should the ECJ go?<br />

3.3.1. Role of the concept of the internal market<br />

Once we have accepted that the application of the fundamental<br />

freedoms by court decisions inevitably results<br />

in changing the substantive national tax law by abolishing<br />

some tax rules and thereby creating some new taxing<br />

rights, the question put by García Prats and Pistone, of<br />

course, remains: In which direction to go? The easy and<br />

general answer to this question is clear: in the direction<br />

of an internal market without borders and free and fair<br />

competition and in the direction of a level playing field<br />

at the snooker table. That, however, is only part of the<br />

answer. The other part is that, within the internal market,<br />

the Member States should have viable national tax systems<br />

capable of raising the major part of the revenue<br />

needed to provide public services for their citizens,<br />

although the EC Treaty does not contain substantive tax<br />

principles to build such national systems. The more difficult<br />

question is: What is the correct balance between<br />

these two objectives and which are the fundamental<br />

principles achieving such balance?<br />

There are many questions of tax policy on which the<br />

concept of the internal market does not give the slightest<br />

indication of an answer and on which consequently the<br />

ECJ should not take a position – for example: double or<br />

single taxation of dividend distributions to individuals,<br />

the unit for personal income taxation (couple or individual),<br />

the progressivity of the tax scale in the personal<br />

income tax, etc. Regarding such questions, the role of the<br />

ECJ should be to stay out of any possible discussion of<br />

these issues in the framework of a national tax system.<br />

3.3.2. Concept of the internal market is decisive between<br />

CLIN and CLEN<br />

There is, however, one major question of policy on<br />

which the ECJ could justifiably take a position, and that<br />

is the question whether CLEN or CLIN is the tax system<br />

most compatible with the internal market. Many academics<br />

in Europe have made a convincing plea from a<br />

theoretical point of view to adopt CLIN as the general<br />

tax system for the internal market. The essence of the<br />

internal market has indeed been defined in Arts. 3(c)<br />

and (g) of the EC Treaty as: “A ... market characterised by<br />

the abolition, as between Member States, of obstacles to<br />

free movement of goods, persons, services and capital ....<br />

And a system ensuring that competition ... is not distorted.”<br />

24 The core of the internal market is based on<br />

competition, not only between business enterprises, but<br />

also between the tax systems of the Member States, and<br />

24. Although in the renewed Treaty agreed upon at the Lisbon summit in<br />

October 2007 the notion of competition is no longer specifically mentioned<br />

in the concept of the internal market, the protocol to the Treaty makes it clear<br />

that this vital element in the definition of the internal market remains<br />

unchanged.<br />

© IBFD BULLETIN FOR INTERNATIONAL TAXATION MARCH 2008 95

Hurra! Ihre Datei wurde hochgeladen und ist bereit für die Veröffentlichung.

Erfolgreich gespeichert!

Leider ist etwas schief gelaufen!