S E M I KO L O N - EgernInc
S E M I KO L O N - EgernInc
S E M I KO L O N - EgernInc
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
hegemon” (Habermas 2003a, 706). Han<br />
skriver i en helt central passage:<br />
“Empirical objections to the possibility of<br />
realizing the American vision converge in the<br />
thesis that global society has become far too<br />
complex; the world is no longer accessible<br />
to a centralized control, through politics<br />
backed up by military power … Politics<br />
loses its primacy over the horizontally<br />
networked media of both markets and<br />
of communication once it attempts to<br />
regress to the original, Hobbesian form of<br />
a hierarchical security system” (Habermas<br />
2003a, 706)<br />
Verden er for kompleks til traditionel politik<br />
(Habermas 2002b, 167). USA har ikke lært<br />
den (europæiske) lektie og repræsenterer<br />
derfor en farlig ”hegemonisk unilateralisme”,<br />
der står i modsætning til det, Europa endnu<br />
ikke er men skal stræbe efter at blive: en<br />
verdensindenrigspolitisk magt, der ”også<br />
udadtil bliver handlekraftig og beviser, at det<br />
ikke kun er antallet af militære enheder, der<br />
tæller i et komplekst verdenssamfund, men<br />
også forhandlingsdagsordeners, politiske<br />
forbindelsers og økonomiske fordeles<br />
bløde magt” (Habermas 2003b, 9). Den nye<br />
globale kompleksitet reducerer nytten af<br />
den hårde magt og opprioriterer nytten af<br />
den bløde magt:<br />
“… there is a blurring of the boundaries<br />
between domestic and foreign policy that<br />
are constitutive of state sovereignty. The<br />
classical image of power politics is being<br />
changed not only by additional normative<br />
features such as a politics of democratisation<br />
or of human rights, but also through a<br />
peculiar diffusion of power itself. With the<br />
E r f r e m t i d e n e u r o p æ i s k ?<br />
growing pressure for cooperation, more or<br />
less indirect influence is becoming more<br />
important than direct implementation of<br />
one’s own goals through the exercise of<br />
administrative power or threats of violence.<br />
Instead, power is now exerted indirectly in<br />
the structuring of perceived situations, in<br />
the creation of contacts, in the interruption<br />
of flows of communication, or in the<br />
definition of agendas and problems; in short,<br />
it is exercised on the boundary conditions<br />
within which actors make their decisions.<br />
‘Soft power’ forces ‘hard power’ aside and<br />
robs the subjects Kant had counted on in<br />
his association of free states of the very<br />
basis for their independence.” (Habermas<br />
1997, 122-123)<br />
I de globale strømme bliver statsmagten,<br />
mere og mere irrelevant, fordi den bliver<br />
mere og mere magtesløs. ”Strømmens magt<br />
overvinder magtens strøm”, som Manuel<br />
Castells udtrykker det (Castells 2000c,<br />
500). USA står stædigt fast ved magtens<br />
strøm og udtrykker derfor en modsætning<br />
til det, Europa ser som den givne og<br />
gældende fremtid. Denne insisteren på<br />
klassisk territorialmagt er farlig og forældet.<br />
Castells giver en generel karakteristik af<br />
nationalstatens fremtid: ”nation-states<br />
survive beyond historical inertia because of<br />
the defensive communalism of nations and<br />
people in their territories, hanging onto<br />
their last refuge not to be pulled away by the<br />
whirlwind of global flows” (Castells 1997,<br />
308, min fremhævning).<br />
Europas kritik af USA er (også)<br />
bestemt af de forskellige analyser af verdens<br />
tilstand og udvikling, der sætter Europa som<br />
fremtiden og USA som fortiden.<br />
s i d e [ 3 1 ]